国家形象是一种建构的看法、态度、印象和评价，是在一定的认知和情感框架之下，在国家客观特征的基础上，通过一定的传播渠道完成的。 十八大以来，新一届党中央领导集体励精图治、改革创新，使我国的综合国力与国家形象大为提升。我们注意到，国家形象的提升不仅需要国力这个“硬件”，还需要文化这个“软件”。 本书中，作者立足于中华传统文化和东方智慧这一独具中国特色的宝贵资源，运用其长期研究的链接与平衡理论，深入解读和探讨国家形象的塑造工程，以期为我国国家形象的提升提供不同视角的解读和建议。

军用车辆按用途分大致可分为战斗车辆、牵引运载车辆、运输车辆和特种车辆四种，本书精选了世界军车主要生产国的约40款军车，通过标准彩绘、实体图片和艺术创作等图文并茂的形式，生动再现了自第二次世界大战以来的各种用途的军用车辆及其种类，使读者对世界军车有了一个直观的了解和认识。本书适合广大青少年军事迷、汽车爱好者、模型收藏者阅读，具有较高的欣赏和收藏价值。

本书图文并茂的介绍了坦克发展的过程。章讲述坦克的诞生，选取了一战时期典型的坦克行解析。第二章讲述装甲战术的确立，选取二战时期典型的坦克行解析。第三章讲述冷战时期的军备竞争，选取二战后、第二代坦克行解析。第四章讲述坦克的多样化演变，选取现代第三代和第三代半坦克行解析。本书在介绍坦克的同时，穿插了与坦克相关的小知识，知识性与趣味性相结合，是一本深度解析坦克的图文指南，适合军事爱好者阅读并收藏，也适合广大喜欢军事的青少年。

《居民自治（上）：经验提炼与梳理》从自治机制的新探索、自治规则的制度化、自治体系的规范化、自治主体的再构建这四个部分，对上海市各街镇、居委会的居民自治工作行经验提炼与梳理，探析了社区与居民之间是如何通过自治行互动的， 在自治模式、制度上有了新的突破和创新，对上海深推居民自治、社区治理有着很好的指导意义和借鉴作用。

　　《东北解放战争纪实》是一部全景展示东北解放战争各个阶段斗争史实的撼世之作，全书收集了肖劲光、黄克诚、伍修权、萧华、梁必业、梁兴初、吴克华、詹才芳、彭嘉庆、贺晋年、刘震、曾泽生、杜聿明、廖耀湘、陈明仁、范汉杰等近百位国共当事人、东北解放战争亲历者回忆、谈话、日记、珍贵绝版资料、新闻通讯和重要文件等形式，分别从“八?一五”我军出关东北到撤退至松花江以北(1946年6月)；从建立根据地和“三下江南”、“四保临江”(1946年东北局“七?七”决议到1947年4月)；从夏季、秋季、冬季攻势(1947年5月至1948年3月)以及辽沈战役东北解放(1948年9月到11月) ，全景展现了东北解放战争各个发展阶段的斗争史实，书中来自于当时东北战场上敌我双方的军以上将领亲历口述的就有近30篇文章，极为珍贵，是铭记东北解放战争这段历史的*历史教材。

《图解孙子兵法与三十六计》一改俗规常势，以新的视角和立意对古典计谋作现代诠释；以精美的图片配合精彩内文给读者带来图文并茂的阅读感受；以谋略故事为主体加深读者对计谋的感受和思悟。严密的逻辑结构，精辟的谋略案例，融知识性、哲理性、故事性和趣味性于一体，令人深刻感悟《孙子兵法》和《三十六计》的博大精深，不仅阔视野、丰富知识，更启迪智慧、增长才干。如读者读完此书能将书中计谋灵活运用于现实生活，那么定能帮助你在竞争日益激烈与关系日益错综复杂的当代世界里纵横捭阖、游刃有余。

自公元378年亚德里亚堡会战哥特骑兵横扫东罗马帝国军，至1515年马里尼亚诺战役法军火炮击破瑞士方阵，从苏格兰高地到斯拉夫草原，一千多年岁月里欧洲战场的壮阔波澜，被浓缩在了《中世纪战争艺术》短短数万词的篇幅中，逻辑主线脉络清晰，重要战役分析详尽，读来让人拍案，掩卷回味无穷。本书是英国军事历史学家查尔斯?欧曼爵士（Sir Charles William Chadwick Oman KBE，1860 – 1946）的成名作，直至二十世纪六十年代，关于这一主题的作品能超越其上的也不多见。中文版根据1885年版译出。在欧曼的年代，学术著作与“业余爱好者读物”之间不像今天那样泾渭分明，他的《中世纪战争艺术》讲究文采，可读性强，专业研究者和普通爱好者读来均能获益匪浅。

本书从中国特色社会主义文化建设理论的形成，性质、特征及内涵，地位、作用，基本原则，基本任务，主要内容，基本途径，基本经验，新实践等方面对中国特色社会主义文化建设的理论和经验行概括和总结。揭示了文化发展程的基本特征，探讨了新的历史时期在文化建设、文化事业和文化产业发展，以及社会和谐文化建设等主要领域所取得的理论与实践的新经验、新成果，并对我国文化的未来建设与发展行了构想和展望。

珊瑚海之战，美国人如何做到“知己知彼”?日本人又如河采取顺水推舟之计?在这次战役中，航空母舰怎样成为海洋争霸战的土角?又是什么原因会将珊瑚海之战称为“美军在中途岛胜利的不可分割的序幕”?

英国对“联合国军”遭到的惨败表示大为不满，他们把不满发泄在麦克阿瑟身上，英国国防大臣辛威尔说：“有一段时间，麦克阿瑟似乎是超出了我们在事件开始时所了解的目标，结果我们走近了驻有庞大中国军队的满洲边境。我们知道那里大约有7万军队准备作战，麦克阿瑟将军可能认为他满可以对付他们。但是，那里可能有更多的军队，他的情报弄错了。我们的处境实在可怕，欺骗自己是没有用的。”

在市场经济的环境中，企业组织结构必须随着外部环境的变化而变化。在美国，即使有很好的企业战略决策，但由于机构设置静止不变而导致经营失利者不乏其例。

他属于智慧型的军人。贬抑他的人总认为他是参谋军官出身，言外之意像斯大林格勒这类攻坚作战于他并不合适。这一说法有些根据，因为直到8个月前他才出任第6集团军司令官。起初，第6集团军内部对这位新任司令员有些瞧不起，但不久他们就心悦诚服了。先是在夏季作战中，面对铁木辛哥元帅的猛烈进攻，保卢斯采用以攻对攻，以精锐部队突击苏军防线，尔后分割围歼的招术。

对于个人来说，创新能够让你领先于众人甚至独占鳌头，对于一个国家和民族，创新在其间的意义更为深远。可以说，创新是一个民族进步的灵魂，是国家兴旺发达的不竭动力，只有不断创新，一个国家或民族才能永远充满活力，蒸蒸日上，保持自己的先进地位而稳立于世界民族之林。要时刻记得，自古以来，加速旧事物的灭亡、促进新事物的成长和不断发展壮大，唯有创新一条路。

尽管意大利人直担心盟军在法属北非登陆，但德军统帅部对局势判断却屡屡失误，认为盟军不会在的黎波里或西西里岛登陆，更不可能进攻法属北非(这样就会把法国赶到德国的怀抱里)，盟军大批船队不过是要增援并补给马耳他岛。结果，盟军的行动完全出乎德国人的预料，预德国人“甚至连做梦也没想到这点。直到后天，我们还认为他们肯定会穿过(西西里海峡)……后来，他们突然回头驶向北非海岸”。终于看清了盟军的意图，但为时已晚，北非危在旦夕。

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Ця книга — про економ?ку як просту науку, яку здатен збагнути кожен. Автор — корейський економ?ст Ха-Юн Чан? — показу? нам ?закритий? св?т економ?ки, що прихову?ться в?д загалу за купою чисел, заплутаних формул та незрозум?лих терм?н?в. У книз? стверджу?ться: знатися на економ?ц? може ? повинен кожен.??Серед усього ?ншого автор розм?ркову? над причинами св?тово? кризи 2008 року, над тим, чи справд? люди б?дн?, бо л?нив?, а ус? багат? — працьовит?, а також чи може кра?на досягти економ?чних усп?х?в, перестрибнувши через етап ?ндустр?ал?зац??. ? все це — доступною, подекуди жарт?вливою, мовою.??

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***