《孟德斯鸠论政制衰败》为“经典与解释”辑刊总43期，论题部分集五篇文章，其中四篇谈孟德斯鸠对政制衰败的论述，一篇谈孟德斯鸠对两种自由概念的论述。孟德斯鸠《罗马盛衰原因论》和《论法的精神》都涉及孟氏对政制衰败的关注，但是，《罗马盛衰原因论》不是一部诚布公的作品，没有声明其意图，与孟德斯鸠另外两部主要著作截然有别。相比之下，《论法的精神》极其全面地考察了几乎所有有关政治制度生活的内容。作为一位现代思想家（和一位自由主义者），孟德斯鸠深信每一种政制都具有衰败的必然趋势。 本书其余各篇也各有看，比如《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》解读一篇，从《药地炮庄》看司马迁的庄学一篇，“旧文”部分录《三国蜀经学》。

随着中国实力的迅速提升，美国长久以来拥有的全球优势地位受到了挑战。从历史的角度来看，《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》中雅典和斯巴达的战争历史，对理解当下中美关系的发展至关重要。修昔底德在书中指出，“使战争不可避免的真正原因是雅典势力的增长以及因此而引起的斯巴达的恐惧”，艾利森将此定义为“修昔底德陷阱”。 本书聚焦崛起中的中国对于美国及全球秩序的影响这一问题，对历史上16个崛起国与守成国行全球竞争的案例和战争场景行分析，指出中美之间的冲突是可以避免的。 作者认为，修昔底德陷阱是一个结构性压力，在现今中国和美国都提出让各自的国家“再次伟大”的时代背景下，两国妥善处理在关键领域的利益分歧，可避免灾难性战争的发生。同时，作者在书中还为中美如何避免发生战争冲突提供了12个具有借鉴意义的方法。

清华大学朱旭峰教授的《改革放与当代中国智库》一书立足于中国改革放40年，系统审视了中国智库在改革放过程中的发展历程和现实作用，并深分析了新时代多元化的中国智库体系及智库运行体系中的新主体，以期全面认识中国特色新型智库的现状、问题及未来的发展方向。本书提出了新时代中国智库建设的十大关键词，即专业、影响、独立、创新、务实、竞争、合作、激励、监督、国际化，对于建设中国特色新型智库具有重要的启发意义。

　　《看法与说法》是*同志自2005年以来出版的又一著作，全书共分为四册。作者常说：“凡事都要有一个看法。”“看法是头脑改造过的认识、观、主张。”“看法的形成有一个过程，即由浅深、由片面到更多方面。”“不断地追求反映事物本质的看法，对于训练思维能力、提高理论水平、搞好工作有着极其重要的意义。”“说法是看法的表达”，“在坚持准确性的前提下，力求通俗、简洁、鲜明、生动和富有个性。”本书即是以摘要的形式集录了作者对经济、政治、文化、社会、生活等各方面问题的看法和说法，也可以说集录了他对各种问题的观和主张。本书全面地反映*同志多年从事领导工作的思想观、工作方法和经验智慧，具有很高的理论价值和很强的可读性，不论对于领导干部还是普通读者而言，都具有十分重要的学习和指导价值。

本报告是“中国人力资源审计系列报告”的第四部，在前三部报告的基础上继续完善了涵盖全国31个省、自治区和直辖市人力资源法律法规的量化指标数据库，可为地方政府制定和执行改革计划提供有益的政策研究和咨询支持。

梳理了美国战略与国际研究中心、美国兰德公司、美国布鲁金斯学会、俄罗斯外交与国防政策委员会、莫斯科卡内基中心、欧盟安全研究所、英国国际战略研究所、英国皇家国际事务研究所、法国国际关系研究所、法国战略研究基金会、德国国际与安全事务研究所、德国阿登纳基金会、瑞典斯德哥尔摩国际和平研究所、挪威奥斯陆国际和平研究所、澳大利亚洛伊国际政策研究所、日本防卫省防卫研究所、印度地面战争研究中心、巴西伊加拉佩研究所等全球112家著名智库近年来发布的研究成果。涵盖了国际秩序、美国霸权、全球安全威胁与挑战；美国、北约、欧盟、俄罗斯、日本、印度等主要国家/国家集团防务政策与军事战略走向；军备发展、核态势；海洋、太空、网络、极地等安全威胁与应对；阿富汗战争、乌克兰危机、中东和北非乱局、叙利亚和伊拉克乱战、国际反恐战争等20个重大议题。收录了专著、研究报告、政策简报、研讨会摘要、论文、白皮书、备忘录、战略卷宗、工作草案、背景资料、证词、讲演、访谈、评论、书评、随笔、博客、新闻稿等各类成果563篇，以及图表132幅。

新时代，信仰执着，服从大局，立场坚定，对党、对人民、对国家“献至诚”，应该是党员干部在政治忠诚上达到的境界。本书分七章介绍了“忠诚是中华民族优秀传统文化的精华”“政治忠诚是共产党人的基本政治伦理”“政治忠诚是党员干 部首要的政治品质”等内容，摆事实、讲道理，着重强调了当前新历史时期下政治忠诚的重要性，全面阐述了新时期对党员干部政治忠诚的具体要求，内容生动、条理清晰、逻辑性强，是一本适合党员干部阅读的通俗读物，有较强的实践指导价值和可读性。

本书以十九大精神和习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指针，阐述了新时代领导干部克服“本领恐慌”、提高领导能力的65个专题，从总体框架、篇目组合到文字阐述，立意新颖、脉络清晰、旁征博引、娓娓道来，精选案例简而不疏，阐释道 理简明精炼，内容丰富，可读性和实用性很强。

本书是知名国际问题专家马晓霖的国际时政专栏文集，作者基于长期一线采访和深入学术研究，精通中东地区事务，并对诸多热点问题的走势做出过比较精准的预测。本书涉及中东近十二年来重大问题和局势演变，包括巴以冲突、伊拉克战争、叙利亚内战、“阿拉伯之春”巨变、伊朗核危机、恐怖主义浪潮、能源安全、大国地区博弈，以及中国中东外交等多个方面。作者以新闻记者的敏锐嗅觉、学术专家的深厚功力，以及专栏作家的优美文笔，系统梳理和全面呈现了当代中东复杂的地缘争端图景。

这是一部颠覆当今关于民主、共和普遍概念的扎实的学术研究著作。???? 此书以翔实的史料和严谨的分析证明，在过去2600多年历史的绝大多数时间里，实现民主、共和理念的主要方式是抽选而不是选举。全书各章分别叙述了从雅典到威尼斯的民主、共和政制中，抽签所扮演的角色，包括运用抽签的原因，抽签过程如何操作，抽签对当时的政制发展起到什么作用等等，全面探讨了抽签这种遴选方式在民主、共和制度中的重要地位。作者通过大量史料，复原雅典民主、罗马共和国、佛罗伦萨共和国、威尼斯共和国的政治运作，细致展现了抽签模式在其中的具体实践。

《邓小平实录》由中央文献研究室专家倾力创作，在体例上按时间顺序编排，共分四卷十编，每一编又分为历程、交往、珍闻三个部分，从多角度翔实地记述了邓小平从出生、成长到参加革命、参与和领导国家建设的各个时期的经历，全面再现了一代伟人光辉而曲折的一生。 　　本书收录了邓小平的秘书、同事、战友等身边人的一手资料，真实还原了领袖人物之间的交往、关系，以及重大事件的策划、发生始末，深度披露了邓小平在历次战争、革命、运动中起落的真相，全景式描述了邓小平的改革心路与实践历程，以及中国建设、外交大战略的形成。 　　本卷为第四卷，讲述了1982—1997年邓小平行改革放、下苏杭、收回港澳、视察经济特区、裁军百万、恢复中苏关系、发表南方谈话等经历，同时记录了邓小平与金日成、爱泼斯坦、荣毅仁、霍英东、陈景润、聂卫平等人的交往与情谊，以及邓小平与铁娘子谈判、作出“严”决策、厦门之行、离领导岗位、逛京城、晚年的日常生活等逸闻趣事。

《邓小平实录》由中央文献研究室专家倾力创作，在体例上按时间顺序编排，共分四卷十编，每一编又分为历程、交往、珍闻三个部分，从多角度翔实地记述了邓小平从出生、成长到参加革命、参与和领导国家建设的各个时期的经历，全面再现了一代伟人光辉而曲折的一生。 　　本书收录了邓小平的秘书、同事、战友等身边人的一手资料，真实还原了领袖人物之间的交往、关系，以及重大事件的策划、发生始末，深度披露了邓小平在历次战争、革命、运动中起落的真相，全景式描述了邓小平的改革心路与实践历程，以及中国建设、外交大战略的形成。 　　本卷为第二卷，讲述了1945—1966年邓小平兵出鲁西南、挺大别山、逐鹿中原、参加淮海战役、管南京、军大西南、和平解放西藏、担任十年总书记等经历，同时记录了邓小平与朱德、贺龙、陈毅、陈赓、费孝通、吴晗等人的交往与情谊，以及邓小平巧渡黄河、鏖战羊山集、强渡汝河、批评“五里腿”、陷遵义会议纪念馆风波、提出“猫论”等逸闻趣事。

A librarian in a small town is asked to play the part of a medieval king. He not only takes his role seriously by thoroughly researching the Middle Ages, when the play is concluded, he refuses to take off the costume. He remains in character, much to the surprise of the other actors.

Such an expression of unhappiness was enough by itself to make one's eyes slide above the paper's edge to the poor woman’s face—insignificant without that look, almost a symbol of human destiny with it. Life's what you see in people's eyes; life's what they learn, and, having learnt it, never, though they seek to hide it, cease to be aware of—what? That life's like that, it seems. Five faces opposite—five mature faces—and the knowledge in each face. Strange, though, how people want to conceal it! Marks of reticence are on all those faces: lips shut, eyes shaded, each one of the five doing something to hide or stultify his knowledge. One smokes; another reads; a third checks entries in a pocket book; a fourth stares at the map of the line framed opposite; and the fifth—the terrible thing about the fifth is that she does nothing at all.

A historical play by William Shakespeare describing the life and death of Richard III. The play begins with Richard describing the accession to the throne of his brother, King Edward IV of England, eldest son of the late Richard, Duke of York. Richard plots to have his brother Clarence, who stands before him in the line of succession, conducted to the Tower of London over a prophecy he bribed a soothsayer to finagle the suspicious King with.

Alexei Ivanovich Velchaninov is a land owner who stays in Saint Petersburg for a trial about a piece of land. He receives a visit from Pavel Pavlovich Trusotsky, an old acquaintance who recently became a widower. Velchaninov had an affair with Trusotsky's wife Natalia, and he realizes that he is the biological father of Liza, Trusotsky's eight year old daughter. Velchaninov, who doesn't want Liza to be raised by an alcoholic, brings Liza to a foster family. The novel ranks among his best works because of its style and structure. Alfred Bem described it as one of the most complete works by Dostoyevsky in regards to its composition and development.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.