对金融全球化的发展大势与实质、金融全球化背景下的金融安全理论，以及中国的金融安全环境进行了深入分析和探讨，在此基础上对中国金融安全总体状况进行了评析等。

本书从政治的角度关注土地改革运动，探讨它对于国家－乡村关系、乡村民众动员、村庄权力结构、村落政治文化和农民日常生活等方面产生的巨大影响。以基层土改文件为主体资料，宏观上着眼于国家与乡村社会关系的重构，微观上聚焦于群众运动在村庄层面的实际运作，对华北土地改革运动作了较为全面、深的政治学分析。

江苏省委、省政府历来高度重视援藏援疆工作，贯彻中央决策坚定有力，措施扎实有效。20多年来，江苏投了大量的人力、物力、财力，先后分别派出9批援藏援疆干部，为西藏和新疆的发展做出了不可磨灭的贡献。为记录江苏对口支援西藏、新疆经济社会发展的历程与成就，展现援藏援疆干部热爱边疆、倾情奉献的精神风貌，反映江苏人民与西藏、新疆各族人民的深情厚谊，江苏省地方志办公室组织编纂了《江苏援藏援疆纪事（1994—2019）》，并以此向新中国成立70周年献礼。

本书介绍了中国与联合国之间的关系，并对中国与联合国关系的历史渊源做了梳理。全书共分七章，分别为：中国与联合国的成立，新中国恢复在联合国的合法权利，中国与联合国维和行动，中国与联合国可持续发展议程，中国与联合国改革，中国与联合国秘书长，中国的联合国外交。

《邓小平讲话实录》记述了邓小平从革命战争年代到社会主义建设中发挥的重要作用，他的历次讲话，尤其是他讲话中改革放这一主张，对我国的政治、经济、文化都有巨大的推动作用。其中，《演讲卷》记录了从1943年到1988年邓小平的历次重要演讲。内容涉及国家建设、干部选拔、军队国防、财政、教育、党内思想等诸多方面。时至今日，在党的十九大上立未来五年“工作坐标”时，仍然坚定着改革放的决心。全面深化改革，将“一张蓝图绘到底”，成为新时代改革新部署。除了精彩而充满智慧的讲话实录，本书在编写过程中还补充了大量的背景资料，让读者可以更清楚地了解当时的国际背景以及政策出台的前因后果，从国家建设、军队国防、民生要务、政治经济、文化教育、干部选拔、党建思想等诸多方面领略领袖人物的睿智与风采。改革放40年之际，《人民日报》评论：民族复兴必将在改革放程中实现。站在新的历史起上，回顾从邓小平“不改革死路一条”的大声疾呼，到*“改革不停顿、放不止步”的铮铮誓言，中国在困顿中踏上改革放之路，又在续奋斗中让这条伟大的道路不断向前。

本文是国内对战后日本非洲外交行系统性研究的专著。非洲是中国外交的支，本文尝试对战后日非关系发展脉络行梳理，探讨日本对非洲外交的行为模式，并尝试以“国家身份”理论对其行为逻辑行阐释。本研究发现，作为外交政策深受外部因素影响的国家，随着国际局势的演变，战后日本的对非外交经历了酝酿、形成、调整的变化过程。 战后日本非洲意识的酝酿与行为模式的形成是从多边国际会议启的，旧金山和会、万隆会议、苏伊士运河危机会议、联合国会议等一系列国际会议为日本的非洲外交提供了舞台，而这些场合也充分体现了自视“名誉白人”的日本在非洲问题上的摇摆性和功利性。随着国内经济的腾飞，日本始重视对外援助在日非关系中的重要作用，而援助也构成了日本对非关系的基本形式，而“名誉白人”的独特身份认同也使日本的对非援助不同于其对亚洲的援助，而更近欧美国家。冷战时期，日本在非洲*重要的双边关系是和白人统治下的南非，而对日南关系的考察，充分体现了日本非洲外交的结构性困境。

本书记录了从1964年到1990年，邓小平会见外国元首和中外记者时的谈话内容，涉及中国的改革放、对外交往政策、台湾问题、香港问题、西藏问题、对*的评价等问题。

傅莹女士，2013-2017年担任全国人大会议新闻发言人，也曾担任驻英国等国大使和外交部副部长。书中展现的是，她作为一名新闻发言人，如何向中外媒体介绍中国的内政外交；作为一名外交官，如何面对国际上的各种误解和成见，如何客观平和地介绍中国。 全书分三部分，共七章。*部分“解构2017年全国人大新闻发布会”，分别从民法典、环保、个人信息保护、反腐败、国防费、妇女儿童保护、中国的国际角色等七方面，再现了作者是如何在发布会上回应各方关切的。第二部分“新闻发布会背后的故事”，条分缕析发布会的准备过程，呈现了一位发言人是怎样“炼”成的。第三部分“新闻发布会之外的故事”，主要谈作者参加一些国际论坛的体会，比如慕尼黑安全会议和瓦尔代俱乐部会议；回顾了北京奥运会火炬伦敦传递等事件以及其间与国外媒体交道的经历。这本书对思考如何做好公共和国际传播，如何与世界相处，具有一定的现实意义和参考价值。

　　历史是一面镜子。《中日关系大事辑览》以大事记的形式梳理两千余年来的中日关系历史，分四个部分细致地展现了中日两国在不同历史时期的互动和关系。以史为鉴，面向未来，就是要让历史的友好之光和经验教训，指引后人的前道路，终实现“和平共处、世代友好、互利合作、共同发展”的崇高目标。

本书汇集了从公元前15世纪至现代多场经典战役，全面讲解战役的过程，重介绍战争双方在战役中的军队部署、战术运用、智慧得失，并对战役的影响行分析和总结。全书再现了3500多年中不同时代、不同国家和地区所经历的血与火的洗礼。

本书静心提炼出“荣誉”、“忠诚”、“纪律”、“信念”、“意志力”、“团队”、“冒险精神”等26条西军校的经典法则，通过对西人及其案例的解读，详细阐述了每一条西法则所蕴含的深刻内容和重要价值，对个人而言可以从中获得人生启示。

本书以建党以来重要历史时期和事件为线索，系统回顾了领导干部选拔的发展历程，全面总结了领导干部选拔工作在一个世纪的历史变迁中积累的成功经验，深探讨了领导干部选拔工作的制度演变、体系发展、比较优势、探索创新等内容，为一步推动干部人事制度改革走向深、推干部管理工作科学化和国家治理能力现代化建言献策。

　　“如果德国人民输了这场战争，那么就证明他们有负于我!”这句是希特勒临死前说的一句话。话里没有一丝的自责，在他看来，这场战争之所以失败，是因为人民对他不忠。经过12年，第三帝国灭亡了，种族灭绝和战争的噩梦以悲剧告终。希特勒及其追随者的事业虽然只经营了短短十几年，却成了一座永远耸立的耻辱柱，它警示着世人：人类曾是那样的残忍。

　　战争中，与敌人合作意味着背叛，但保罗萨特却这样描述了战时的两难处境：“不与我们的敌人同流合污，我们就寸步难行，没有饭吃，甚至没法呼吸。我们的血管里连一滴血都没有，但是他们有。整个国家既抵抗又合作。我们做的每一件事都是可疑的，我们不知道我们做的对不对。一种微妙的毒药连我们好的行为都腐蚀了。”

　　“我的国家所能期望的好的结果就是双方个平局；任何夺取斯大林格勒的希望都会化为泡影。”德国陆军元帅曼施泰因这么总结道。在历史上，没有记录斯大林格勒炼狱的确切伤亡数字。但是德军第6集团军的25万官兵，除了9万多人投降外，的确有约12.5万人在斯大林格勒的战斗中阵亡或死于寒冷、饥饿及疾病。大概另有3.5万人安全逃离。至于苏联方面，虽然取得伟大的胜利，但却付出75万人阵亡、负伤以及失踪的巨大代价。

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

　　一切浪漫现象都是受非浪漫力量的控制。 　　昂首超然于各种限制与决断之上的人，变成了异己势力和异己决断的臣仆。 　　——卡尔·施米特 　　浪漫主义是19世纪西方的主导精神，对于思想史研究而言，政治的浪漫派问题不可小视。《政治的浪漫派》是施米特的代表作之一，初版于1919年，1925年再版并增加长篇序言，关注的是作为政治哲学的浪漫主义，看似思想史论著，其实针对的是现实政治问题，其用意在于表明浪漫派的“永恒交谈”与自由主义议会民主制的公辩论基于相同的形而上学真理论。本书浪漫主义政治哲学研究之先河，晚期的浪漫主义哲学研究（如伯林）尚不及其所达到的思想深度。施米特从德国知识分子的现实处境出发，讨论浪漫派在思想史上的位置，阐明了浪漫派对现实社会生活的基本看法，并表明了它的本质是一种关于政治的趣味。本书着力在思想史的脉络里整理弥漫整个欧洲的浪漫主义精神，是一本不可多得的思想史力作。

《中国历史的教训》（全新修订精装版），是一本以人物故事为主线、以廉政思想为内核的中国历史通俗读物，也是一本由纪检监察干部倾注心血、联系反腐败斗争的实际而写就的读史感悟。 作者习骅在“反腐一线”工作多年，全书收录了他创作于2012年—2014年，并发表在《中国纪检监察报》等多家媒体上的24篇“说古道今”的文章，以轻松的笔调通过众多令人嗟叹与沉思的人物故事，来讲述历史风云变幻中的不变正道。作者巧妙地从古今历史，特别是明清治国、吏治等历史典故中寻求成败教训、总结得失经验。从关注“四风”问题的《朱元璋为何暴茹太素》到透析“官商勾结”的《张之洞借钱》，从探索“总关”问题的《高级干部的低级错误》到聚焦作风建设的《作风建设与历史周期律》……这些文章紧跟十八大以来党中央“虎拍蝇”的节拍，精选案例，精讲故事，精析道理，成为学习领会新一届党中央治理腐败的坚定决心和高超战略的鲜活教材，是党员干部一步转变作风，守纪律讲规矩，做好各项工作的有益参考。 《中国历史的教训》（全新修订精装版），整体行全新修订，增加了多篇附录文章，有趣、有料，叙事流畅生动，见解独到深刻，传递廉政新思维正能量。