《把人民群众放在心中位置》选取了20位优秀共产党员作为先进典型，用以教育广大党员干部学习榜样，切实改进作风，始终坚持全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨。每个党员干部都要充分认识到加强作风建设的*重要性和紧迫性，自觉参加党的群众路线教育实践活动，在教育实践活动中贯穿“照镜子、正衣冠、洗洗澡、治治病”的总要求，切实做到转作风、正学风、改文风，紧紧依靠人民来实现中国梦。

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《政在一线》系政声版“声音”“县委书记讲坛”栏目刊载的文章合集。

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《决策之前》系智库版刊载的一些服务省委决策的重大主题策划以及各省级高端智库与重培育智库的重要文章的合集。

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果的合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声 音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《学思践悟》系其政声版“三做谈”“学思用”等栏目以及“做学习型干部 倡导研究性工作”专栏征文文章的合集。

本书旨在通过梳理、总结当前在军事领域中广泛应用的科学技术，展示它们在战争中的应用及影响，揭示军事科技对战争胜负、国防建设及国家发展的重要意义，从而在民众中树立科技强军的重要思想，实现全民国防教育和科普教育的结合。全书共分为六章，介绍了不同历史时期军事科技发展的主要历程，并对当代具有代表性的军事科技行全面重介绍，同时结合实例，分析了军事科技在现代局部战争中的运用，随之对信息时代各国的新军事变革行介绍，*后对未来新军事科技与未来战争行超前展望。本书集科普性、趣味性、学术性于一体，是一部观明确且易读的军事科普读物。

实现中华民族伟大复兴的重任历史性地落在了中国共产党身上。近百年来，中国共产党不忘初心、牢记使命、砥砺前行，充分展现了马克思主义使命型政党的主体意识与责任担当。作为国内*本系统研究马克思主义使命型政党的专著，本书结合历史与现实、理论与实践，在概念诠释的基础上，从对历史规律的深刻把握、对思想建党的高度重视、对制度治党的持续探索、对群众路线的自觉坚持、对党性修养的严格要求、对人类社会的使命承担、对思想方法的系统掌握七个方面对马克思主义使命型政党行了系统阐释。全书观鲜明，理论上具有创新性，实践中也具有较强的现实启示意义。

本书以时间为序，着重研究1918—2017年历届中国政府救助海外难侨的具体过程及其所涉及的国际关系。全书分四章，探讨北洋政府救助俄属远东地区难侨、新中国政府救助印度被拘难侨、印尼“排华”与中国政府对难侨的救助，以及21世纪中国政府救助海外侨民的重要行动相关的史实、背后所涉及的国际关系，阐述中国政府如何在当地动荡的局势下保护与救助深陷困境的海外侨民，具有一定的学术参考价值。

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

大国仪兵

Matchlock, wheel lock, flintlock and caplock; .44 or 9mm; revolver and automatic – the history of pistols and revolvers is a fascinating journey through the development of hand-held firearms technology. From early hand cannon of the late 14th century to the latest automatics and machine pistols, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers traces the development of these small arms as they evolved over the centuries. From a Thirty Years’ War wheel lock to today’s Beretta 92, from the Luger to the Colt to the latest Ruger, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers offers a narrative history of the classics among these firearms. Throughout the book there are technical specifications for featured firearms. Illustrated with more than 250 colour and black-and-white artworks and photographs, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers is an expertly written account of the history of sporting and military firearms.

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

文稿是党的路线方针政策和工作部署的重要载体。文稿要有政治性、思想性、理论性、指导性，要从全局的高度和领导的角度思考和把握问题，力求体现党的路线方针政策，体现把方向、议大事、谋全局的原则，体现从宏观思考问题、指导实践的要求。 作者长期在中央纪委和中央办公厅从事文稿的起草工作，因此对政治性文稿，特别是领导讲话、调研报告、政策文件等文稿的起草积累了大量经验。本书是作者对于多年工作经验的分享，阅读本书有利于提高文稿起草水平，更有利于在工作中文稿的质量。希望这本书能够对各级党政机关、各个部门、各类企事业单位的文稿起草人员有所帮助。

　　一切浪漫现象都是受非浪漫力量的控制。 　　昂首超然于各种限制与决断之上的人，变成了异己势力和异己决断的臣仆。 　　——卡尔·施米特 　　浪漫主义是19世纪西方的主导精神，对于思想史研究而言，政治的浪漫派问题不可小视。《政治的浪漫派》是施米特的代表作之一，初版于1919年，1925年再版并增加长篇序言，关注的是作为政治哲学的浪漫主义，看似思想史论著，其实针对的是现实政治问题，其用意在于表明浪漫派的“永恒交谈”与自由主义议会民主制的公辩论基于相同的形而上学真理论。本书浪漫主义政治哲学研究之先河，晚期的浪漫主义哲学研究（如伯林）尚不及其所达到的思想深度。施米特从德国知识分子的现实处境出发，讨论浪漫派在思想史上的位置，阐明了浪漫派对现实社会生活的基本看法，并表明了它的本质是一种关于政治的趣味。本书着力在思想史的脉络里整理弥漫整个欧洲的浪漫主义精神，是一本不可多得的思想史力作。

江苏省委、省政府历来高度重视援藏援疆工作，贯彻中央决策坚定有力，措施扎实有效。20多年来，江苏投了大量的人力、物力、财力，先后分别派出9批援藏援疆干部，为西藏和新疆的发展做出了不可磨灭的贡献。为记录江苏对口支援西藏、新疆经济社会发展的历程与成就，展现援藏援疆干部热爱边疆、倾情奉献的精神风貌，反映江苏人民与西藏、新疆各族人民的深情厚谊，江苏省地方志办公室组织编纂了《江苏援藏援疆纪事（1994—2019）》，并以此向新中国成立70周年献礼。

本书从政治的角度关注土地改革运动，探讨它对于国家－乡村关系、乡村民众动员、村庄权力结构、村落政治文化和农民日常生活等方面产生的巨大影响。以基层土改文件为主体资料，宏观上着眼于国家与乡村社会关系的重构，微观上聚焦于群众运动在村庄层面的实际运作，对华北土地改革运动作了较为全面、深的政治学分析。

本书介绍了中国与联合国之间的关系，并对中国与联合国关系的历史渊源做了梳理。全书共分七章，分别为：中国与联合国的成立，新中国恢复在联合国的合法权利，中国与联合国维和行动，中国与联合国可持续发展议程，中国与联合国改革，中国与联合国秘书长，中国的联合国外交。

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)