本系列丛书精心选取世界各国单兵装备的近百种经典枪械、爆破武器、冷兵器等，从每种武器的研发历史、综合性能和武器特点等方面进行介绍，并附有准确详细的参数。通过阅读本书，读者可以全面了解现代单兵武器的发展历程及现状。 本书内容结构严谨，分析讲解透彻，图片精美丰富，适合广大军事爱好者阅读和收藏，也可以作为青少年的科普读物。

本书是清华大学出版社重点推广的兵器知识系列图书，其具有如下明显的特色。 内容全面，经典不错过 从冷战到现在，从欧美到亚洲，经典武器全盘收录。 文字简明，理解更容易 文字力求通俗易懂，减少生僻专业术语，读者理解更容易。 重点突出，记忆更深刻 舰艇概况和优点置顶显示，关键信息清晰醒目。 结构清晰，搜索更简单 分章合理，排列有序，主次分明，一目了然。 图片丰富，阅读更轻松 图片数量多、质量高，观赏性和实用性兼具。 一本书汇集全球经典军用舰艇，足不出户了解现代军事。 大型水面舰艇、中型水面舰艇、小型水面舰艇、两栖舰艇、潜艇……从武器的角度了解现代海军的战略战术。

本书探讨了群众与群体的动态关系，以及群众如何、为什么服从统治者的权力。20世纪的人类历史充斥着集体迫害、群体狂热、世界大战等毁灭性灾难，促使卡内蒂思考群众与权力之间的关系。“指令”和“蛰刺”是卡内蒂解释群众与权力关系的两个核心概念，卡内蒂认为，权力的本质是“指令”对人的伤害（即“蛰刺”）。追溯指令*原始的形式，是动物遇到死亡威胁时的逃亡，因此“每一道命令都隐含着残忍可怕的死刑判决”。 尽管是一部理论著作，但本书的写作风格与学院派极为不同。卡内蒂采用的是简洁且隐喻性的文学语言，内容广涉人类学、精神病学、生物学、社会学、哲学等领域。如卡内蒂通过深分析精神病患者席瑞柏的回忆录，揭示统治者和偏执狂的共同：伟大、慷慨、藐视他人、幸存感（即比别人活得更长）。

此次收录埃利亚斯·卡内蒂作品集有以下2部作品：《群众与权力》探讨了群众与群体的动态关系，以及群众如何、为什么服从统治者的权力。20世纪的人类历史充斥着集体迫害、群体狂热、世界大战等毁灭性灾难，促使卡内蒂思考群众与权力之间的关系。“指令”和“蛰刺”是卡内蒂解释群众与权力关系的两个核心概念，卡内蒂认为，权力的本质是“指令”对人的伤害（即“蛰刺”）。追溯指令原始的形式，是动物遇到死亡威胁时的逃亡，因此“每一道命令都隐含着残忍可怕的死刑判决”。 《人的疆域》为1981年诺贝尔文学奖得主埃利亚斯·卡内蒂的四部笔记合集，包括《人的疆域》《钟表的秘密心脏》《苍蝇的痛苦》《汉普斯特德补遗》，创作时间跨度从1942年直至1985年，是卡内蒂小说、政论、回忆录和戏剧作品的重要补充。卡内蒂一生经历流亡与漂泊，是20世纪欧洲苦难的缩影，他自青年时代起就将“笔记”作为一种严肃的文学创作体裁加以实践，在笔记中对自己的观察、记忆、灵感与哲思进行即时的记录。本书是持续半个世纪的独立省思过程的结晶，堪称这位文学大师的思想地图，展示了他思想发轫、成型与转化的脉络，和对20世纪历史的见证。

《社会契约论》是法国思想家让·雅克·卢梭于1762年出版的政治哲学著作，它既可以被视为法国大革命的文献，也可以被视为伟大的政治哲学著作。《社会契约论》分为四卷：卷一论述了社会结构和社会契约，卷二阐述主权及其权力，卷三阐述政府及其运作形式，卷四讨论几种社会组织。《社会契约论》中主权在民的思想是近现代民主制度的基石。

　　本书是德国著名思想家恩斯特·卡西尔后一部著述。本书论述了人与政治的关系。作者在人类意识中神话情结的基础上，对政治学的国家理论行了历史的回顾，并从卡莱尔的英雄崇拜手分析了国家作为种族与地域神话及其特殊变形的情形。本书是一部作为构成现代性去魅程重要环节的政治去魅的经典文本，是符号形式哲学在政治思想史、政治史和政治学领域的一次经典应用。 　　本书全面总结了哲学史上神话与理性的斗争，并清晰地展现了这一线索，将神话思维与政治联系起来，尤其一针见血地揭露了现代极权政治的真面目，戳穿了现代政治家的伎俩，重新挑起了人道主义的大旗。这本书有助于我们在那个荒谬的时代行冷静的反思，同时也会对我们未来的政治生活提供帮助。

《孙子兵法》是中国古代兵家和兵学的代表作，也是中国优秀传统文化的重要组成部分。本书简明扼要地介绍了《孙子兵法》的学术地位和特，系统而精练地评述了《孙子兵法》十三篇中所包含的丰富、深刻内容，认为一部《孙子兵法》是由“国家战略：国君的‘大战争’指导艺术”“军事战略：统兵之将的作战指导艺术”和“战术专题”三大部分组成的，从而，基本上揭示了这部世界上*早产生的战争和战略名著的理论真相。本书适合对战略问题和军事理论感兴趣的读者阅读。

20世纪上半期，西方资本主义世界陷动荡与危机。在此大背景下，马克思主义始在西方国家蓬勃发展起来。第二国际理论家关于马克思主义的论争、西方共产党理论家对马克思主义的阐发、西方马克思主义奠基人对马克思主义的新阐释以及法兰克福学派批判理论的形成与发展，都极大地促了马克思主义在西方主要国家传播、研究与发展。不断出现的经济危机及其催生的法西斯主义，让当时的西方马克思主义学者将目光转向人、转向社会现实，以马克思主义辩证法对这一时期的资本主义行了*深刻的批判。与此同时，对苏联经济发展史的研究又走向了新的方面。以多布为代表的西方经济学家始致力于阐释和发展马克思劳动价值论、剩余价值论，积极评价马克思主义政治经济学原理及苏联的新经济政策，并据此研究社会主义计划经济和经济增长、不发达国家经济发展以及当代资本主义经济发展等理论问题。可以说，理解20世纪上半期马克思主义在西方国家的发展，是客观、准确、深度把握整体马克思主义发展史不可逾越的一环。

近年来，随着残疾人事业的迅速发展，残疾人工作干部队伍日益壮大，全国残联系统工作人员已逾9万，基层残疾人专职委员已有40多万，按照“十一五”发展纲要，到2010年基层残疾人专职委员将增加到70万，伺时，越来越多的社会组织和志愿者参与残疾人事业，为残疾人工作和服务的人数将有一个数量上的跃升。要保证残疾人事业在新的起上加快发展，党和国家的残疾人政策得到贯彻落实，满足残疾人日益增长并日趋多样化、个性化的需求，让广大残疾人获得更多实实在在的利益，残疾人工作者队伍在素质、能力与工作水平上的提高更是必不可少的基础条件。所以，加大残疾人工作者教育培训力度，才能更好地适应新形势、新任务的要求。

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

大国仪兵

Ця книга — про економ?ку як просту науку, яку здатен збагнути кожен. Автор — корейський економ?ст Ха-Юн Чан? — показу? нам ?закритий? св?т економ?ки, що прихову?ться в?д загалу за купою чисел, заплутаних формул та незрозум?лих терм?н?в. У книз? стверджу?ться: знатися на економ?ц? може ? повинен кожен.??Серед усього ?ншого автор розм?ркову? над причинами св?тово? кризи 2008 року, над тим, чи справд? люди б?дн?, бо л?нив?, а ус? багат? — працьовит?, а також чи може кра?на досягти економ?чних усп?х?в, перестрибнувши через етап ?ндустр?ал?зац??. ? все це — доступною, подекуди жарт?вливою, мовою.??

 本书围绕“守初心、担使命、找差距、抓落实”的总要求，用通俗的语言，阐述了对“不忘初心、牢记使命”深刻内涵的理解和探索；表达了共产党人要铁心向党，不忘初心，牢记使命，锻炼力量；论述了广大党员领导干部应自觉用党的理论武装头脑，不断提高个人思想政治素质，锤炼忠诚干净担当的政治品格，提高为民服务解难题的本领；对新时代中国共产党员怎样做到“不忘初心、牢记使命”提供了理论指导和生动范例。全书内容通俗易懂，可以作为展“不忘初心、牢记使命”主题教育的参考读物。

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

本书为国家社科基金项目成果。侨务工作是中国对外交流活动中重要的工作之一，研究和借鉴其他国家在侨务工作上的经验有利于我国侨务工作的展。全书选取当今世界上具有代表性的发达、次发达和发展中国家的美国、爱尔兰及印度三个国家为例，系统阐述美国侨民战略的内容、实施机制和实施效果及其对我国侨民战略的启示，并以2008年经济危机为切来分析爱尔兰侨民战略，厘清侨民战略与爱尔兰经济发展的内在逻辑，同时探讨印度侨民战略的提出背景与内容、机制、主要措施及效果。本书力求对我国侨民政策的制定、修订、完善及侨务活动的展具有一定的借鉴意义。

本书旨在通过梳理、总结当前在军事领域中广泛应用的科学技术，展示它们在战争中的应用及影响，揭示军事科技对战争胜负、国防建设及国家发展的重要意义，从而在民众中树立科技强军的重要思想，实现全民国防教育和科普教育的结合。全书共分为六章，介绍了不同历史时期军事科技发展的主要历程，并对当代具有代表性的军事科技行全面重介绍，同时结合实例，分析了军事科技在现代局部战争中的运用，随之对信息时代各国的新军事变革行介绍，*后对未来新军事科技与未来战争行超前展望。本书集科普性、趣味性、学术性于一体，是一部观明确且易读的军事科普读物。

本书立足于党的十九大提出的“推贸易强国建设、推动形成全面放新格局”的对外放战略目标，循着突出新特色、分析新问题、启发新思路的思想框架，分析我国的出口贸易现状以及存在的问题，着眼于当前我国的自贸区建设、“一带一路”建设以及对外合作与援助项目的展情况，结合近期我国与美国的贸易摩擦，总结出如何推贸易强国建设的政策建议。本书有助于读者厘清我国出口贸易的发展历程，了解如何把我国建成贸易强国，还能为相关决策机构提供有力参考。

本书以时间为序，着重研究1918—2017年历届中国政府救助海外难侨的具体过程及其所涉及的国际关系。全书分四章，探讨北洋政府救助俄属远东地区难侨、新中国政府救助印度被拘难侨、印尼“排华”与中国政府对难侨的救助，以及21世纪中国政府救助海外侨民的重要行动相关的史实、背后所涉及的国际关系，阐述中国政府如何在当地动荡的局势下保护与救助深陷困境的海外侨民，具有一定的学术参考价值。