本书是露营者、徒步旅行者、探险者、极限运动者、向导以及其他需要熟悉野外活动的人士的手册，也是日常生活中每个人都能用得上的生存知识手册。在荒岛上我们如何生火？怎样去找到水源并净化水源？我们怎么样去获得食物？在沙漠中求生的时候，怎么样去辨别方向，发出求救信号？如何搭建避身所？怎样行基本的医疗自救？这些问题都能从本书中找到答案。书中配有清晰的图解说明，记录了美军在各种气候和地形下的生存技能训练法则，从非常专业的角度，为读者详细介绍了野外生存的装备选择、体能训练、心理训练、饮食营养、医疗救治、工具制造、寻找食物和水、野外动植物的食用与药用知识、搭建避身场所、辨别方向、发信号等野外生存活动必须了解的基本知识和的各种技能。这一系列生存技巧都是经过实际检验的，也都已经被无数次证明是非常有效的，在人迹罕至的偏远地区可能会决定人的生死存亡。阅读本书，你就可以在任何地、任何气候、任何条件下生存下去！

　　次世界大战结束后，德国陷了危机之中。金融体系全面崩溃，种族、政治、宗教等方面的纠纷困扰着民众，民众感到无所适从，许多人求诸远古的神话与迷信，以排解心中的不安。这一切为第三帝国的产生创造了机会。这其中啤酒馆暴动是一个典型，虽然它失败了，但纳粹的“鬼影”就此植了德国人民的心中……

世界上没有哪个机构? 像中情局那样名扬四海，又臭名昭著！ △?二战期间，美国对纳粹深恶痛绝；可冷战期间，CIA为何又用纳粹当导盲犬？ △为了窃听到苏联情报，CIA实施了为时一年的“柏林通道”计划，但为何在快完工时突然穿帮？ △CIA吸收的都是美国名校毕业的秀异才俊，可为何却干出了像猪湾登陆这样让中情局遗臭万年的蠢事？ △?肯尼迪遇刺，到底谁是幕后黑手？FBI与CIA强强联手，也难查出背后真凶？ △“水门事件”中，尼克松为何要与此事毫无关系的中情局背黑锅？在这两难之时，局长又会作何抉择？ △1979年伊朗人质危机爆发，伊朗人见到“名噪一时”的中情局官员，为何感到莫大的羞辱？ △?朝鲜战争、中东战争、苏联解体、萨达姆侵科威特，甚至“9·11”事件，中情局又为何全未料到、败绩累累？ 《纽约时报》记者蒂姆·韦纳将在本书中为你一一揭晓其中内幕。 本书是一本严肃而不失活泼的中情局史，内容引自5万多份中情局、白宫和国务院秘档，2 000多份美国情报官员、军人和外交官的口述记录，以及300多份前中情局官员（包括10位前中情局局长）与退休特工的访谈。书中所言斑斑可考，没有匿名消息，没有盲目引述，更没有道听途说，作者钻研情报新闻20多年，调查精辟、笔锋犀利，让中情局60年的罪与罚昭然若揭。

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

Matchlock, wheel lock, flintlock and caplock; .44 or 9mm; revolver and automatic – the history of pistols and revolvers is a fascinating journey through the development of hand-held firearms technology. From early hand cannon of the late 14th century to the latest automatics and machine pistols, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers traces the development of these small arms as they evolved over the centuries. From a Thirty Years’ War wheel lock to today’s Beretta 92, from the Luger to the Colt to the latest Ruger, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers offers a narrative history of the classics among these firearms. Throughout the book there are technical specifications for featured firearms. Illustrated with more than 250 colour and black-and-white artworks and photographs, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers is an expertly written account of the history of sporting and military firearms.

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

《丘吉尔第二次世界大战回忆录10：从德黑兰到罗马》忠实地记录了二战后期，在结束意大利战事之后，各盟国之间审时度势、密切配合，精心拟定了向纳粹德国展开总攻的终战略。从德黑兰到罗马，各盟国首脑相继进行了一系列紧凑而富有成效的会晤，推动了战争的后胜利，也大致确定了战后世界版图的划分。与此同时，在南斯拉夫、希腊及缅甸等地，战争仍然在艰难地继续，然而，胜利的曙光已经初现天际。

作为国家层面的战略部署，国土综合整治已成为当前中国生态文明建设与城乡融合发展的重要抓手。严金明教授领衔撰著的《国土综合整治研究》一书，立足于国家战略发展的宏观背景，从内涵模式和区域统筹两个方面对国土综合整治展系统研究，提出了新时期国土综合整治的核心内涵及全面推国土综合整治的十条政策建议。在国土综合整治的内涵模式方面，本书在明晰背景意义、界定基础概念的基础上，借鉴国外国土综合整治经验，分析了国内各个时期国土综合整治研究的阶段演与发展变化，提出了新时期国土综合整治的内涵理念、目标任务和类型模式。在国土综合整治的区域统筹方面，本书构建了“ 线 面”三个层次的国土综合整治统筹框架。此外，本书密切结合实际，对我国国土综合整治实施过程中的诸多重和热问题行了深探究，系统阐释了国土综合整治的制度基础、保障措施和实施机制。 本书认为，国土综合整治的本质是“对人与国土关系的再调适”。未来国土综合整治应当在土地综合整治的基础上，以落实空间规划“多规合一”、统筹城乡发展、推新型城镇化、建设生态文明等为导向，把所有国土资源纳治理范围。

本书为“经典与解释”辑刊56期，论题为“马西利乌斯的帝国”。 帕多瓦的马西利乌斯是中世纪意大利学者，他的名字与他的主要著作《和平的保卫者》（完成于1324年）紧密相联，他的其他几部政治著作很少有学者注意到。这些著作中*为重要的是《和平的保卫者（小卷）》（Defensor minor），写作于《和平的保卫者》（Defensor pacis）完成后约十五年。此外还有《论帝权的转移》。要准确理解马西利乌斯的思想，离不全面考察其著作及其著述的具体语境。 本期论题围绕马西利乌斯的政治思想编排文章，其中*篇为马西利乌斯的《论帝权的转移》，译者参考多种资料，从拉丁文译出。其他几篇分别从权力、帝国问题、大众主权、自由主义对马西利乌斯的借用、马西利乌斯对亚里士多德的继承与偏离的角度深探讨马西利乌斯的政治思想。 除“论题”栏目外，本期其余各栏目文章也精彩纷呈。比如：“古典作品研究”栏目有关阿拉伯思想家拉齐的两篇，其中《论哲学生活》为拉齐作品翻译，《拉齐政治哲学的源头》为美国学者巴特沃斯解读拉齐思想的作品，都是非常重要的哲学文献；“旧文新刊”栏目收郭倬瑩的《四部通讲•史部流别》，对史书体例流传与变迁做了全面勾勒。

《我们的小康》为全面建成小康社会主题通俗理论读物。本书分10个部分，前后贯通、全面系统地阐释了小康社会的相关理论和实践，特别是江苏高水平全面建成小康社会的目标内涵、指标体系和任务举措。本书图文并茂，可读性强，设置如“数说小康”“原声在线”“网友留言”“域外声音”“典型案例”等多个小版块，将理论与具体实践相结合，生动诠释小康的大道理，展现全面小康的成果，是帮助广大干部群众了解全面小康历史、建设与成就的重要通俗理论读物。

　　明清时期，数以千计的年轻女子抗拒父母的权威，终生忠贞于她们的未婚夫，很多以寡妇的身份终其一生，有的为未婚夫自杀殉死。贞女现象引发了中国历史上关于礼与女德的激烈、持久的意识形态争论。《海外中国研究丛书·矢志不渝：明清时期的贞女现象》旨在对贞女现象作一历史描述，并探讨赋予其意义的、反过来又被它所影响的明清社会和文化。通过勾勒贞女现象之形成、发展轨迹以及国家和社会对它的反应，本书试图对贞女现象与帝国晚期的政治、文化、思想变迁的关系达成较全面的了解，并通过判析围绕着贞女现象的矛盾冲突，揭示年轻女子与其家庭和社会之间的关系。《海外中国研究丛书·矢志不渝：明清时期的贞女现象》根本的目的在于探索贞女的情感、理想和生活历程，并由此解释是什么影响了这一时期年轻女性的性别身份，以及她们如何看待和表达尊严、责任、爱情。