作为国家层面的战略部署，国土综合整治已成为当前中国生态文明建设与城乡融合发展的重要抓手。严金明教授领衔撰著的《国土综合整治研究》一书，立足于国家战略发展的宏观背景，从内涵模式和区域统筹两个方面对国土综合整治展系统研究，提出了新时期国土综合整治的核心内涵及全面推国土综合整治的十条政策建议。在国土综合整治的内涵模式方面，本书在明晰背景意义、界定基础概念的基础上，借鉴国外国土综合整治经验，分析了国内各个时期国土综合整治研究的阶段演与发展变化，提出了新时期国土综合整治的内涵理念、目标任务和类型模式。在国土综合整治的区域统筹方面，本书构建了“ 线 面”三个层次的国土综合整治统筹框架。此外，本书密切结合实际，对我国国土综合整治实施过程中的诸多重和热问题行了深探究，系统阐释了国土综合整治的制度基础、保障措施和实施机制。 本书认为，国土综合整治的本质是“对人与国土关系的再调适”。未来国土综合整治应当在土地综合整治的基础上，以落实空间规划“多规合一”、统筹城乡发展、推新型城镇化、建设生态文明等为导向，把所有国土资源纳治理范围。

　　明清时期，数以千计的年轻女子抗拒父母的权威，终生忠贞于她们的未婚夫，很多以寡妇的身份终其一生，有的为未婚夫自杀殉死。贞女现象引发了中国历史上关于礼与女德的激烈、持久的意识形态争论。《海外中国研究丛书·矢志不渝：明清时期的贞女现象》旨在对贞女现象作一历史描述，并探讨赋予其意义的、反过来又被它所影响的明清社会和文化。通过勾勒贞女现象之形成、发展轨迹以及国家和社会对它的反应，本书试图对贞女现象与帝国晚期的政治、文化、思想变迁的关系达成较全面的了解，并通过判析围绕着贞女现象的矛盾冲突，揭示年轻女子与其家庭和社会之间的关系。《海外中国研究丛书·矢志不渝：明清时期的贞女现象》根本的目的在于探索贞女的情感、理想和生活历程，并由此解释是什么影响了这一时期年轻女性的性别身份，以及她们如何看待和表达尊严、责任、爱情。

重视优势，发掘优势，运用优势，顺势而为，是中国共产党人的优良传统。本书共十三章，紧扣党的*文件精神，坚持以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指导，解析“中国之治”的制度密码，阐述了中国特色社会主义制度十三个方面的显著优势，以期读懂中国优势，用好中国优势。

党员教育管理是党的建设基础性经常性工作。本书根据《中国共产党党员教育管理工作条例》组织编写，对党员教育管理工作做了系统全面的介绍，包括加强党员教育管理工作的总体要求、学习贯彻习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想、党员教育基本任务、党员日常教育管理主要方式、党籍和党员组织关系管理、党员监督和组织处置、流动党员管理、党员教育管理信息化、组织领导和工作保障等九个方面，内容详尽全面，具有较强的工作指导性、操作性和实用性，是一本基层党务工作者案头的工具书，也是党员干部参加“三会一课”等组织生活的参考书。

本书共有十九讲，涵盖党支部的功能定位、设置、工作机制及组织生活，党员的发展、教育、管理、监督、服务工作，党支部的选举、思想政治、群众、统战、纪律检查等工作，还包括党支部书记的选拔、培训、素质、能力、工作方法和领导艺术、党性修养等内容，并收录党支部工作常用文体。基层党支部书记工作有关内容均被囊括在内，为基层党务工作指明了前方向，是一本不可多得的党支部工作权威读物。

内容简介 高校大学生作为国家重要的人才资源，做好高校党员发展工作具有重大意义。本书共八章，分别从党史、党情、发展党员规程、端正党动机等方面对高校大学生党前后的一系列工作行了展性的论述。作为一本创新与严谨兼具的党培训教材，本书在编写过程中参考借鉴并引用了一些权威媒体的资料、数据、图表，内容权威丰富，版式简约大方。可以说，本书不仅能够帮助广大学生党员更好地了解党史党情、一步端正党动机，而且可以助力高校党务工作者更加规范地完成党员发展和培训工作。

重视和加强党支部建设，是马克思主义政党的鲜明特征。本书作为“新时代党支部建设丛书”系列成果之一，详细论述了新时代党支部工作的各项内容，包括：党支部的功能定位、职责和工作原则，党支部的组织设置和基本任务，党支部的工作机制，党支部的组织生活，党支部委员会建设，党支部主要工作程序，党支部的工作方式和活动方式，党支部的党员发展、教育、管理与服务工作，党支部的纪律检查工作，党支部的选举工作，党支部的思想政治工作、群众工作和统战工作，党支部常用文体等，突出讲述了党支部要担负好直教育党员、管理党员、监督党员和组织群众、宣传群众、凝聚群众、服务群众的职责。

本书采用篇章结构，以一问一答的形式，依据党和国家*文件精神，权威翔实地解答了基层党务工作者在党的基层组织建设、换届选举、发展党员、党员教育管理监督及其他工作中可能遇到的问题，对基层党组织工作实践具有很强的针对性和指导性，是各级地方政府和党员干部落实党建工作责任制，全面推各领域基层党建工作，扩大党组织和党的工作覆盖面，充分发挥宣传党的主张、贯彻党的决定、领导基层治理、团结动员群众、推动改革发展的读物。

党的十九届四中全会审议通过的《中共中央关于坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度、推国家治理体系和治理能力现代化若干重大问题的决定》，全面回答了在我国国家制度和国家治理上应该“坚持和巩固什么，完善和发展什么”这个重大政治问题，标志着我们党对巩固发展社会主义制度的规律性认识达到了新高度，标志着“中国之治”创新境界。 什么是中国之治？向着国家治理现代化奋，中国还将面对怎样的挑战？为什么说中国之治，可以为中国政治稳定、经济发展、文化繁荣、民族团结、社会安宁、国家统一提供着有力保障？本书全面梳理了治理的由来、什么是中国特色的国家治理体系、如何推中国国家治理体系和治理能力现代化等问题，使广大读者全面、深地了解“中国之治”。

究竟是什么原因使得中国和西方在15世纪以后的经济发展历程上，呈现出两条截然不同的道路？ 与现有研究中国道路的大多数著作不同，本书将中国道路置身于历史大视野行审视并揭示其世界意义，具体分析了国家能力如何影响经济发展和中国崛起在经济学理论上的重要意义。通过古今中外的纵横对比和深阐释，书中重新审视和批驳了“西方中心论”和新自由主义经济学。 全书以新的视角揭示出，近代中国落后不是因为市场经济不发达，国家治理能力才是古代中国繁荣与近代中国衰落以及西方兴起与西方衰落的分水岭。今天中国复兴从现象层面看是经济上对西方的赶超，而在本质层面则是国家治理能力对西方的超越。该书以深的论证揭示，离了国家治理能力，单纯的市场经济不但不能带来国家发展，甚至往往成为发展无序和衰落的原因。

《写给青少年的党史》丛书是一套面向新时代少年儿童的有温度、有厚度、有力度、有态度、多角度的党史学习教育读本。该丛书由国内著名党史专家邵维正教授领衔并担纲主编，中央党校、国防大学的多位专家组成创作团队，中国史学会会长李捷、中国中共党史学会副会长张启华担任学术顾问。 丛书紧紧围绕“中华民族是怎样站起来、富起来、强起来的”这一主旨，突破传统的章、节、目框架结构，以问答形式展论述，梳理归纳了当代青少年*为关注的60个问题，突出重、难、热、亮，按党史发展脉络分编成6卷，依次为《中国有了共产党》《红色星火燎原》《战火中成长》《中国人民站起来了》《春天的故事》《筑梦新时代》。每卷既独立成书，连贯起来又构成一个整体，能够系统地反映中国共产党历史的概貌。每个问题后设有“名言金句”“读党史长智慧”栏目，以帮助青少年更好地掌握主要内容和精髓启示，引发思考，从中受益。 在叙述方式和语言风格方面，丛书努力贴近少年儿童的阅读习惯和受程度，力求以生动形象的党史故事作为切，由小到大，由浅深，讲清来龙去脉，剖析前因后果，引发思考共鸣，达到以情感人、以理服人。在版式上，坚持图文并茂，强化视觉冲，增强可读性、趣味性。

《孙子兵法》是中国古代兵家和兵学的代表作，也是中国优秀传统文化的重要组成部分。本书简明扼要地介绍了《孙子兵法》的学术地位和特，系统而精练地评述了《孙子兵法》十三篇中所包含的丰富、深刻内容，认为一部《孙子兵法》是由“国家战略：国君的‘大战争’指导艺术”“军事战略：统兵之将的作战指导艺术”和“战术专题”三大部分组成的，从而，基本上揭示了这部世界上*早产生的战争和战略名著的理论真相。本书适合对战略问题和军事理论感兴趣的读者阅读。

《写给青少年的党史》丛书是一套面向新时代少年儿童的有温度、有厚度、有力度、有态度、多角度的党史学习教育读本。该丛书由国内著名党史专家邵维正教授领衔并担纲主编，中央党校、国防大学的多位专家组成创作团队，中国史学会会长李捷、中国中共党史学会副会长张启华担任学术顾问。 丛书紧紧围绕“中华民族是怎样站起来、富起来、强起来的”这一主旨，突破传统的章、节、目框架结构，以问答形式展论述，梳理归纳了当代青少年*为关注的60个问题，突出重、难、热、亮，按党史发展脉络分编成6卷，依次为《中国有了共产党》《红色星火燎原》《战火中成长》《中国人民站起来了》《春天的故事》《筑梦新时代》。每卷既独立成书，连贯起来又构成一个整体，能够系统地反映中国共产党历史的概貌。每个问题后设有“名言金句”“读党史长智慧”栏目，以帮助青少年更好地掌握主要内容和精髓启示，引发思考，从中受益。 在叙述方式和语言风格方面，丛书努力贴近少年儿童的阅读习惯和受程度，力求以生动形象的党史故事作为切，由小到大，由浅深，讲清来龙去脉，剖析前因后果，引发思考共鸣，达到以情感人、以理服人。在版式上，坚持图文并茂，强化视觉冲，增强可读性、趣味性。

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《决策之前》系智库版刊载的一些服务省委决策的重大主题策划以及各省级高端智库与重培育智库的重要文章的合集。

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《政在一线》系政声版“声音”“县委书记讲坛”栏目刊载的文章合集。

实现中华民族伟大复兴的重任历史性地落在了中国共产党身上。近百年来，中国共产党不忘初心、牢记使命、砥砺前行，充分展现了马克思主义使命型政党的主体意识与责任担当。作为国内*本系统研究马克思主义使命型政党的专著，本书结合历史与现实、理论与实践，在概念诠释的基础上，从对历史规律的深刻把握、对思想建党的高度重视、对制度治党的持续探索、对群众路线的自觉坚持、对党性修养的严格要求、对人类社会的使命承担、对思想方法的系统掌握七个方面对马克思主义使命型政党行了系统阐释。全书观鲜明，理论上具有创新性，实践中也具有较强的现实启示意义。

《中国历史的教训》（全新修订精装版），是一本以人物故事为主线、以廉政思想为内核的中国历史通俗读物，也是一本由纪检监察干部倾注心血、联系反腐败斗争的实际而写就的读史感悟。 作者习骅在“反腐一线”工作多年，全书收录了他创作于2012年—2014年，并发表在《中国纪检监察报》等多家媒体上的24篇“说古道今”的文章，以轻松的笔调通过众多令人嗟叹与沉思的人物故事，来讲述历史风云变幻中的不变正道。作者巧妙地从古今历史，特别是明清治国、吏治等历史典故中寻求成败教训、总结得失经验。从关注“四风”问题的《朱元璋为何暴茹太素》到透析“官商勾结”的《张之洞借钱》，从探索“总关”问题的《高级干部的低级错误》到聚焦作风建设的《作风建设与历史周期律》……这些文章紧跟十八大以来党中央“虎拍蝇”的节拍，精选案例，精讲故事，精析道理，成为学习领会新一届党中央治理腐败的坚定决心和高超战略的鲜活教材，是党员干部一步转变作风，守纪律讲规矩，做好各项工作的有益参考。 《中国历史的教训》（全新修订精装版），整体行全新修订，增加了多篇附录文章，有趣、有料，叙事流畅生动，见解独到深刻，传递廉政新思维正能量。