Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

A historical play by William Shakespeare describing the life and death of Richard III. The play begins with Richard describing the accession to the throne of his brother, King Edward IV of England, eldest son of the late Richard, Duke of York. Richard plots to have his brother Clarence, who stands before him in the line of succession, conducted to the Tower of London over a prophecy he bribed a soothsayer to finagle the suspicious King with.

Alexei Ivanovich Velchaninov is a land owner who stays in Saint Petersburg for a trial about a piece of land. He receives a visit from Pavel Pavlovich Trusotsky, an old acquaintance who recently became a widower. Velchaninov had an affair with Trusotsky's wife Natalia, and he realizes that he is the biological father of Liza, Trusotsky's eight year old daughter. Velchaninov, who doesn't want Liza to be raised by an alcoholic, brings Liza to a foster family. The novel ranks among his best works because of its style and structure. Alfred Bem described it as one of the most complete works by Dostoyevsky in regards to its composition and development.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

　　世界也许充斥着越来越多的暴力，但是诺贝尔经济学奖得主阿马蒂亚·森在这部包罗万象的哲学著作中认为，驱使着这些暴行的，不仅仅是那些不可解脱的仇恨，还有人们的思想混乱。 　　在11岁那年，阿马蒂亚·森生平*次亲历了杀戮。20世纪40年代在印度突然爆发的印度教徒—穆斯林骚乱的双方都受到了别人的有意挑唆。这场骚乱中的绝大多数受害者——包括印度教徒与穆斯林——都是同属一个阶级的劳动人民。而应当对这场血腥屠杀负责的，只有宗教身份这种单一划分的观念。 　　在这本新作中，森指出，与过去一样，一直延续到今天的冲突与暴力都受这种单一身份的幻象影响。显然，越来越多的人们根据宗教立场（或者“文化”或“文明”）来划分世界，而忽略人们看待自身的其他方式——诸如阶级、性别、职业、语言、文学、科学、音乐、道德或政治立场，并且否定了合理选择的现实可能性。一旦根据这种观来界定不同人之间的良好关系，人类就被严重地压缩并置于“小盒”之中。 　　在《诺贝尔经济学奖获得者丛书·身份与暴力：命运的幻象》中，森颠覆了那种惯用的概念，诸如“整个中东”或“西方思想”。通过对文化多元主义、恐怖主义和全球化的精辟分析，他得出了结论，我们应当更为清晰地理解人类自由，并成为全球公民社会中富有建设性的公共表达者。森证明，尽管*近世界陷了战争循环，但只要我们坚持这一理念，这个世界也同样能够稳定地迈向和平。

长篇报告文学《血砺忠诚》主要讲述了抗日战争全面爆发后，中央军委决定出兵山东，由萧华将军率东进纵队挺进乐陵，创建冀鲁边区抗日根据地，展示了冀鲁边区抗日根据地从无到有、从小到大的全过程，重现那段难忘的“国家记忆”和“民族记忆”，表现了那个时代的仁人志士和我党的优秀代表对祖国、对民族、对人民的无限忠诚，昭示中华民族走向未来的勇气和信心，向新中国成立70周年献礼

本书深入贯彻习近平总书记在全国组织工作会议上关于党的基层组织建设的重要讲话和十九大报告关于基层组织建设的要求，包括加强基层党组织建设的重要性、提升基层党组织组织力、突出基层党组织政治功能、全面加强各领域基层党建工作、切实发挥党支部职责、加强支部标准化规范化建设、坚持“三会一课”制度、推进基层党组织设置和活动方式创新、扩大党内基层民主、加强基层党组织带头人队伍建设、加强党员队伍建设等方面。本书内容全面、条理清晰、图文并茂、重在实用，是广大党员干部和基层党组织负责人、党务工作者抓好基层党建的重要参考用书。

2018年以来，半月谈关于基层治理现代化的报道引发了基层与高层的高度关注，响了基层治理的品牌。但是半月谈基层治理稿件散见于每一本期刊或者互联网的汪洋大海中，是一种碎片化传播，尚未形成规模集中效应。 为了一步扩大半月谈基层治理品牌的影响力，可将有关刊发基层治理稿件重新编辑集结成书。这样既可以重新放大稿件的影响力，塑造一个图书品牌，也为基层干部、有关专家学者提供新的观察范本。 一个群体，牵动基层治理的痛感“神经”，29篇文章，图文并茂，严肃又活泼生动描绘基层干部问题现状； 一份清单，“基层十大痛”引发共鸣，37篇文章，梳理提炼出基层干部反映强烈的“十大痛”即:督查检查频繁、问责滥用、压力“甩锅”、处处留痕、材料论英雄、庸懒干部、典型速成、政策架、上升“天花板”、幸福感缺失。 一份决心，扎根元在*基层，痛医除靶明，23篇文章，23个经典案例，智慧城管，集成改革，双建双培，大数据互联网 全国各地治理经验，八仙过海，各显神通； 一种聚焦，聚焦乡村振兴，通“*后一公里” 12篇聚焦乡村振兴，新经验、新探索，新模式、新路径助力基层治理突围。 一个智库，厚载“面向基层”的传统基因。15篇文章，通过脚力、眼力、脑力和笔力，强化调查研究;通过引借外脑外智外力，优化思想来源。 一份关注，中央发起“基层减负年”，彰显了中央心系基层、关爱基层的为民情怀 6份文件，一系列实招新举，措施精准，说明中央对基层治理问题高度重视，并施以重拳。有理由相信，破解基层治理难题，将不再是一道难题。

本书基于中国商品房小区数量快速增加、业主与物业企业之间矛盾频发的客观状况，对小区治理特别是业主自治，进行了有效的探索和研究。作者通过大量事例与数据，对中国各城市的小区治理情况进行全景式展示，探索小区治理的创新典型案例，弥补现有的政策创新空白。同时，全书在分析总结小区治理的现状、现存焦点问题及实践经验的基础上，梳理小区治理的政策法律变迁，力图呈现中国小区治理的整体面貌和变迁轨迹，并对小区治理的发展提供切实可行的建议。

2019年是五四运动100周年，除了学生爱国运动，更以“新文化运动”揭开了现代中国思想变革的序幕。在五四百年之际，重新思考新文化运动以及同一时期“旧文化”的跌宕起伏，便成为我们重建当前思想文化认同的重要资源。本书以全新的视角，重新审视了中国传统学术在新文化运动冲击下的际遇，揭示了所谓“旧文化”暨传统经学在近代的转折过程，呈现出不同于西式“新文化”叙事的另一种声音，揭示了传统学术向现代学术转型的若干面相和传统士人的精神传统，为传统文化如何焕发生机提供了深刻的思考。

坚持以人民为中心，转变政府职能，深化简政放权，创新监管方式，增强政府公信力和执行力，建设人民满意的服务型政府，是新时代中国行政改革的目标。有麻宝斌教授领衔撰著的《当代中国行政改革》一书系统阐释了改革放以来中国行政改革的发展路径和发展方向。全书首先简要介绍了中国行政体制的历史沿革、理论基础、特征、环境等内容，并概述了改革放以来中国行的八次行政体制改革；而从政府组织机构改革、干部人事制度改革、法治政府建设、服务型政府建设、政府效能提高等角度，重分析了历次行政体制改革的背景、改革所取得的成效和还存在的不足之处；*后，从职能转变、大部门体制改革、行政层级与行政区划、依法行政、公共服务五个方面，展望了中国行政改革的未来发展趋势。

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

本书是韩保江对中国特色社会主义经济问题的思索的整理总结。全书共四十七篇文章，共六个章节，分别从社会主义市场经济体制的建立与完善、完善基本经济制度与国有企业改革、发展理念创新与中国发展模式、经济增长理论与经济增长动力、经济结构调整与发展模式转变、城乡协调与区域平衡发展等六个方面系统论述中国特色社会主义政治经济学，具有较高的学术理论价值。作者韩保江，教授职称，现为中央党校经济学部主任，曾主持多项国家重点课题的研究，参与多项国家重大决策的调研和咨询工作，对经济体制改革、国有企业改革、收入分配、跨国公司、经济全球化等问题有独到研究。

《吴子》自战国后期就已成为与《孙子兵法》齐名，传播*广、影响*的兵书经典。今本《吴子》共三卷六篇，定型于北宋元丰年间的《武经七书》，基本采用对话体的方式撰述而成。全书紧紧围绕“内修文德，外治武备”八个字展开，强调“内修文德”的治国理念，探讨战争的起因与的分类，提出“以治为胜”“教戒为先”的治军思想、“总文武”“兼刚柔”的将帅论，以及“审敌虚实”“因形用权”的战术指导思想。《吴子》既有思想深邃的“文德”主张，又有丰富多彩的“武备”理念；既有高瞻远瞩的战略思考，又有灵活机动的战术设计，在不少方面丰富、发展了《孙子兵法》的战争理论成果。 《司马法》是目前流传下来*早的军事著作。宋代列为皇家钦定的《武经七书》之一，是古代将校书。清康熙年间朝廷从“七书”中精选出三本，《司马法》入选其中，成为《武经三书》之一，是古代兵学*水平的代表，享有一般兵书难以企及的崇高地位。《司马法》现存三卷五篇，内容丰富、深邃，既有对有极高史料价值的周代军礼的大量记述，也有对“以仁为本”“以礼为固”的儒家思想的大力揄扬，既有对“忘战必危”、依法治军等军事文化理念的郑重强调，也有对“轻重”“众寡”等战略战术范畴的深入研究，其阐述的以法治军思想和具体军法内容，为后世制定军法条例、法令提供了依据，是具有军事法典性质的著作。

中国的社会工作是在不断回应政府、社会需求的过程中逐渐发展起来的，其专业使命在于追求社会创新、实现社会正义。本书是作者赵环从事社会工作十余年教学、理论、实务、政策的结晶，聚焦政府服务、社会组织发展、第三方评估、社会工作范式转型、绿色社会工作、社会经济等议题，引领社会工作跨越式发展。

全书架构体系主要包括政党概述、政党制度、政党章程、中国特色社会主义：旗帜·道路·理论体系·制度·文化、党的性质、党的指导思想、党的理想和现阶段的奋斗目标、党的宗旨、党的组织制度和组织机构、党的纪律、党员义务和党员权利、发展党员的程序和手续等内容。全书不仅各章都设置了测试题，还在教材的后收录了入党常用文书写法及范文，内容涉及入党申请书、思想汇报、入党志愿书等入党有关文书撰写的方方面面。为有助于更好地检查培训效果和学习情况，还附录了一套入党积极分子培训测试题。本书适应入党积极分子的学习需要和基层组织发展党员工作的需要，既可作为党组织对入党积极分子进行培训的辅助教材，也可作为入党积极分子的自学读物。

内容简????? 介本书总结了2016年以来理论创新的*成果，紧密结合党中央的一系列会议、文件的*精神，对广大党员干部理论学习的热、重、难问题行深浅出的分析，内容涉及坚持道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信，启全面从严治党新征程，以新发展理念引领发展，把文化自信写“中国方案”，深推供给侧结构性改革，让“两学一做”在潜移默化中见长效，烧旺党内政治生活“大熔炉”，织密党内监督之网，用好监督执纪“四种形态”等18个方面，为党员干部更好地理解和把握党的创新理论成果提供有益参考。

本书阐述了新时期对公务员能力的要求、提升的途径和方法，这些能力包括：政治鉴别能力、依法行政能力、公共服务能力、调查研究能力、学习能力、沟通协调能力、创新能力、应对突发事件能力、与媒体打交道能力和心理调适能力。本书着眼于体现我国公务员队伍建设的*成果，具有很强的针对性、实用性和操作性，能够为广大公务员消除“本领恐慌”、增强“能力自信”提供有效帮助。