《光荣啊，共青团——中国共青团百年史话》以时间顺序和逻辑顺序相结合的方法，以简练精当的文字和大量珍贵而翔实的图片，对中国共青团100年的成长历程行扫描式回顾，既反映了团史上的重大事件、重要人物，又注重展现历史细节；既回顾了共青团在成长历程中所经历的艰难困苦，又系统梳理了在中国共产党的关心爱护下，共青团所取得的巨大成就。该书融思想性、资料性、可读性为一体，是一部较为完整的共青团发展史,也是团员青年和团组织学习团的知识、了解团的成长历程的优质读物。

中国共产党的历史是一部历经千难万险、不断从胜利走向胜利的伟大历史，对中国共产党的制胜之道行理论上的解码，既是中国共产党一次关键的自我总结、自我思考，也是面向下一个百年、走好新征程之路的内在必然，更是回应国际社会期待、向世界宣介中国共产党历史使命与行动价值的外在要求。 解码中国共产党的成功之道需要拓展研究视野，从多维视角、多重坐标出发综合定位。本书从中华五千年文明程、近代以来求索民族复兴的历程、世界社会主义事业发展、人类现代化探索等角度剖析了中国共产党的成功之道，以深浅出的语言阐述了中华文明是中国共产党成功的基因密码、民族复兴是中国共产党成功的核心主题、社会主义是中国共产党成功的制度优势、中国式现代化是中国共产党成功的正确方向、全面小康是中国共产党成功的人民维度、马克思主义中国化是中国共产党成功的理论保障、伟大建党精神是中国共产党成功的精神密钥。

马克思主义政治经济学的发展与创新

清华大学朱旭峰教授的《改革放与当代中国智库》一书立足于中国改革放40年，系统审视了中国智库在改革放过程中的发展历程和现实作用，并深分析了新时代多元化的中国智库体系及智库运行体系中的新主体，以期全面认识中国特色新型智库的现状、问题及未来的发展方向。本书提出了新时代中国智库建设的十大关键词，即专业、影响、独立、创新、务实、竞争、合作、激励、监督、国际化，对于建设中国特色新型智库具有重要的启发意义。

《高达模型3D建模与场景改造实用手册》是KITSUNE狐火模创工作室打造的第三本高达模型制作类手册，也是一本专业跨界强、重应用、强调操作的书。本书用到的建模软件是UG、SketchUp，除常规的建模讲解外，还重点介绍了如何运用数字技术（3D打印、激光切割）进行模型的改造与场景搭建，用实例呈现3D建模及输出技术。扫描本书二维码，可获得相关实例制作文件、效果展现的视频。 本书适合高达模型爱好者，手办制作者及建筑、产品设计专业的学生阅读，也适合开设以上相关专业的院校及培训机构作为参考读物。

本书从融合政治哲学、国际政治学、比较政治学、社会学以及人类学思维与方法的国际关系社会学视角出发，超越了传统上以“我们”为中心的权力、利益与文化考量，将国际关系的“社会间性”特征与行为体的“他异性”逻辑作为核心概念，提出了对“国际秩序”的另类思考。本书以其独特而清醒的批判与自我批判意识和后现代思维风格，为国际关系学界突破“美国重心”的理论范式束缚、摆脱并避免“智识懒惰”提供了启发。

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

 本书围绕“守初心、担使命、找差距、抓落实”的总要求，用通俗的语言，阐述了对“不忘初心、牢记使命”深刻内涵的理解和探索；表达了共产党人要铁心向党，不忘初心，牢记使命，锻炼力量；论述了广大党员领导干部应自觉用党的理论武装头脑，不断提高个人思想政治素质，锤炼忠诚干净担当的政治品格，提高为民服务解难题的本领；对新时代中国共产党员怎样做到“不忘初心、牢记使命”提供了理论指导和生动范例。全书内容通俗易懂，可以作为展“不忘初心、牢记使命”主题教育的参考读物。

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

Ця книга — про економ?ку як просту науку, яку здатен збагнути кожен. Автор — корейський економ?ст Ха-Юн Чан? — показу? нам ?закритий? св?т економ?ки, що прихову?ться в?д загалу за купою чисел, заплутаних формул та незрозум?лих терм?н?в. У книз? стверджу?ться: знатися на економ?ц? може ? повинен кожен.??Серед усього ?ншого автор розм?ркову? над причинами св?тово? кризи 2008 року, над тим, чи справд? люди б?дн?, бо л?нив?, а ус? багат? — працьовит?, а також чи може кра?на досягти економ?чних усп?х?в, перестрибнувши через етап ?ндустр?ал?зац??. ? все це — доступною, подекуди жарт?вливою, мовою.??

实现中华民族伟大复兴的重任历史性地落在了中国共产党身上。近百年来，中国共产党不忘初心、牢记使命、砥砺前行，充分展现了马克思主义使命型政党的主体意识与责任担当。作为国内*本系统研究马克思主义使命型政党的专著，本书结合历史与现实、理论与实践，在概念诠释的基础上，从对历史规律的深刻把握、对思想建党的高度重视、对制度治党的持续探索、对群众路线的自觉坚持、对党性修养的严格要求、对人类社会的使命承担、对思想方法的系统掌握七个方面对马克思主义使命型政党行了系统阐释。全书观鲜明，理论上具有创新性，实践中也具有较强的现实启示意义。

本书旨在通过梳理、总结当前在军事领域中广泛应用的科学技术，展示它们在战争中的应用及影响，揭示军事科技对战争胜负、国防建设及国家发展的重要意义，从而在民众中树立科技强军的重要思想，实现全民国防教育和科普教育的结合。全书共分为六章，介绍了不同历史时期军事科技发展的主要历程，并对当代具有代表性的军事科技行全面重介绍，同时结合实例，分析了军事科技在现代局部战争中的运用，随之对信息时代各国的新军事变革行介绍，*后对未来新军事科技与未来战争行超前展望。本书集科普性、趣味性、学术性于一体，是一部观明确且易读的军事科普读物。