《丘吉尔：第二次世界大战回忆录》记录了20世纪初期，从一战后一直到二战结束这近30年的重大国际事件和历史进程，内容包括各国、各民族的政治、军事、外交、经济、文化和意识形态等诸多方面。 全书共六卷，基于盟军三巨头之一、英国首相丘吉尔的亲身经历，援引大量未曾公开的英国政府权威资料，详尽梳理了第二次世界大战的起因、贯穿其中的错综复杂的矛盾以及跌宕起伏的战争过程。

《丘吉尔：第二次世界大战回忆录》记录了20世纪初期，从一战后一直到二战结束这近30年的重大国际事件和历史进程，内容包括各国、各民族的政治、军事、外交、经济、文化和意识形态等诸多方面。 全书共六卷，基于盟军三巨头之一、英国首相丘吉尔的亲身经历，援引大量未曾公开的英国政府权威资料，详尽梳理了第二次世界大战的起因、贯穿其中的错综复杂的矛盾以及跌宕起伏的战争过程。

为持续加强对社会思潮的深研究和辨析，帮助干部群众一步增强鉴别力，提升免疫力，江苏省委宣传部在2014年组织编撰的通俗理论读物《社会思潮怎么看》的基础上，再次组织编写《社会思潮怎么看2》一书，运用马克思主义世界观和方法论，结合当代中国的理论创新和成功实践，跟踪分析社会思潮的新变化，透过其表象，把握其本质，研判其趋势，评析其影响。本书坚持政治性、学术性和通俗性相统一，文风清新、说理透彻、图文并茂、可读性强，是广大干部群众、青年学生明辨理论是非、提高思想水平的重要辅助读物。

随着中国特色社会主义新时代，生态文明建设也了新时代。在新中国生态文明建设成就和经验的基础上，在习近平生态文明思想的指导下，实现绿色发展、构建生态文明制度体系、参与全球生态治理，构成了新时代生态文明建设的主要内容。本书立足于客观事实和材料，如实介绍当代中国生态文明建设的历史与现状、成就与经验；从历史、经济、政治、文化、社会和全球维度出发，全面系统地梳理和阐释了习近平生态文明思想；从坚持绿色发展之路、构建生态文明体系、参与全球生态治理等方面，考察了新时代的生态文明建设的新展和新成就。这种逐一呈现的方式，有助于读者深刻了解新时代中国生态文明建设的概貌和走向。

　　 　　《孙子兵法》成书于两千五百年前的春秋末年，是世界上zui早的军事理论著作，也是中国古代zui伟大的军事战略思想。它被译成日、法、英、俄、德等二十七种语言，在全球已刊印出数千种版本，是世界上影响zui大、流传zui广的中国古籍之一。 　　国人对出自《孙子兵法》的名言"出奇制胜""置之死地而后生""知己知彼，胜乃不殆"等都已耳熟能详，但阅读这本"兵学圣典"的意义，更在于学习它那战术背后所拥有的谋略智慧，和高瞻远瞩的战争态度。 　　它的宏观视角和前瞻性创见使其拥有了跨越时间和术业的魅力，受到政界、军事界、商业界、文化界的推崇。将其奉为圭臬的人不乏帝王如曹操、李世民、拿破仑，美国总统尼克松、克林顿，军事家武田信宏、汤米·弗兰克斯，以及松下电器、索尼公司、本田汽车的创始人等。 　　《孙子兵法》原文不长，仅有六千余字，分为十三个篇章。本书以内容zui完整的南宋《十一家注孙子》为底本，由中国人民解放军军事科学院战略研究员、博士生导师刘庆译注。每章先以红色字体展示兵法原文，在短暂的题解过后，逐句翻译和注释分析。希望能以zui简洁清晰的方式，呈现中华智慧的风采。

　　 　　本文的目标，就在于彰显一条极其简单的原则； 　　无论个人还是集体，人类只有出于自卫这一目的，才能去干涉他人的行动自由。违背文明社会中任何一个人的意志，并且正当地对此人行使权力的*目的，也只能是为了阻止他危害他人。 　　任何一个人*应对社会负责的，就是涉及他人的那一部分行为。 　　对于只涉及自身的那一部分，个人依法具有*的自主权。 　　对于自己，对于自己的身心这两个方面，个人都具有独立的支配权。

横渡地中海　剑指亚平宁 瓦解轴心国欧洲防线的*枪 本书梳理了盟军从登陆西西里，到*终攻下罗马城的时间线，描绘了恢弘壮烈的意大利战役，诉说了无数“为自由而死”的英勇故事。 虽然攻意大利的决定极具争议，但行动一旦始，盟军解放意大利的决心便未曾动摇：集结的号声伴着奔涌的海浪将冲锋艇送上西西里的金色海岸，轰鸣的钢铁战车履带碾过萨莱诺平原坚固的防线，呼啸的战机在塔兰托港投下铺天盖地、如雨般密集的炸弹……阿特金森笔下，一幅雄浑与悲壮共同挥洒而就的画卷徐徐展。 不堪重负的艾森豪威尔，无畏却自负的马克·克拉克，天纵奇才的巴顿，偏执、激情的丘吉尔，运筹帷幄的坎宁安，四面楚歌的墨索里尼……从将军到士兵，从政客到平民，无数生命的轨迹在这段历史中会聚、燃烧。 这是第三帝国与其反抗者之间，为争夺欧洲大陆而展的史诗战役，响了瓦解轴心国欧洲防线的*枪。当马克·克拉克*终“征服”罗马时，诺曼底登陆前的*后一处障碍被彻底排除了——第三帝国末日将近。

 本书结合学生发展核心素养及差异化教学相关方面的理论，呈现了多名一线高中化学教师的理论认知及理念的更新，同时呈现了多个基于核心素养和关注学生差异化发展的优秀教学案例，体现了在课堂教学及课外活动中教育理念的具体落实方法和途径。

西方普遍认为，美国应该在全世界传播自由民主、培育放的国际经济，并建立国际制度，按照美国的形象重塑世界，这样世界会更加安全。但事实并非如此。相反，美国因奉行自由主义霸权政策，*终成为一个高度军事化的国家，不断行破坏和平、损害人权、威胁国内自由价值观的对外战争，给世界和平带来了诸多麻烦。 本书作者米尔斯海默认为，自由主义霸权——冷战结束后美国所奉行的外交政策——注定要失败。他指出，民族主义和现实主义会约束美国在海外的自由主义霸权政策，美国采取更为克制的外交政策更有意义。《大幻想：自由主义之梦与国际现实》是一部清晰而引人注目的作品，对于学者、决策者和对美国外交政策的未来感兴趣的每个人来说都是头等重要的。

此次收录杨照作品集有以下9部作品： 1.《史记的读法：司马迁的历史世界》——以“历史式读法”还原当时的社会背景，解释重大事件的因由，以“文学式读法”去接近司马迁的视角、态度与理念，把经典带入今天的时空。 2.《呼吸：音乐就在我们的身体里 》——走进那个时代，走进音乐家的人生，知晓那些让音乐变得如此有魅力的秘密，从而能更好地感受乐曲中的动人之处。 3.《打造新世界：费城会议与<美国宪法> 》——讲解美国宪法的条款，讲解了以这套宪法为依据的美国政治制度是怎样、如何运作，并讲述美国宪法制定背后的思想渊源、历史情境、现实利益考量和斗争妥协。 4.《以平等之名：托克维尔与 论美国的民主》——走入文本的世界，深入讲述清教徒精神如何塑造美国民主，美国的公民自由又如何与法国的天然自由不同。 5.《寻路青春》——一本“记忆地志”，文笔细腻又朴实的杨照先生通过重新梳理自己的青春往事，带领读者回到了三十多年前的台湾，展现了那一代人在成长中对人生和未来的思考。 6.《想乐：聆听音符背后的美丽心灵》——杨照介绍了自己喜爱的100首西方古典乐曲，包括晶莹清响的钢琴独奏曲、深沉隽永的大提琴曲、层次丰盈的小提琴协奏曲等等。 7.《我想遇见你的人生》——以类似对话、日记、独白的散文诗形式抒写父女俩日常生活中的点点滴滴和人生感悟。 8.《迷路的诗》——《迷路的诗》以忏情开始，回忆作者在高中时代的浪漫与叛逆。 9.《故事照亮未来：通往开放社会的100个观念》——杨照从千头万绪的故事和现实中提取出一百个关键概念，如协商、和解、法律、制度、身份、记忆、媒体……

中国是世界上周边邻国多的国家，陆上邻国有14 个，隔海相望的 邻国有8 个。这是中国周边安全环境在世界各国中为复杂的重要原因 之一。它给中国维护周边安全形势稳定带来了诸多压力。 此外，中国还是世界上存在岛屿主权争端和海洋权益纠纷热点多 的国家。尽管这些热点的出现有诸多原因，其实根本的还是因为中国 军事实力不够强大，尤其是海上力量不够强大。近代以来，如何消除来 自周边的、威胁我国国家安全的各种因素尤其是军事因素，成了中华民 族子孙们头脑里一直萦绕的问题。至今，这些问题仍然是我们必须要正 视的。

国际商会下属的国际海事局海盗报告中心将海盗定 义为“登临任何船只，企图偷窃或犯其他罪行，有意图 和能力使用暴力的犯罪行为”。2005 年至今，印度洋西岸、 索马里沿岸和亚丁湾地区成为海盗猖獗地区。

　　本书精心选取了二十余型第二次世界大战后服役的、各国*代表性的航空母舰和两栖攻舰，对它们的作战性能和装备情况行了详细介绍，并将实体图片与电脑彩绘相结合，全面细致地展现了它们的外观特征。 与此同时，本书独树一帜地将两种舰的性能参数以图表的形式行了对比分析，力求使读者直观地了解它们的实力对比情况，并从中得到启发。 　　本书具有较高的参考和收藏价值，是广大军事迷和关心国防事业的朋友们的读物，同时，也适合作为广大青少年朋友的国防科普知识读物。

本书精心选取了世界各国研制的军用飞机，如美国、俄罗斯、英国、法国等，其他具有特色的军用飞机也有收录。本书对每种军用飞机的构造、性能等内容进行了简明扼要的介绍，同时为大家呈现了难得一见的精美大图，让读者有耳目一新的感觉。 本书内容结构严谨、讲解透彻、图片精美丰富、版式新颖别致，不仅适合资深军事爱好者阅读和收藏，还能作为少年儿童的军事启蒙读物。

本书精选了百余种现代特种部队经典作战装备，主要分为主战武器、自卫武器、特战载具和随身装备等，并对每种装备的研制时间、主要构造、作战性能、生产数量、使用单位等情况进行了简明扼要的介绍。 本书结构严谨、分析讲解透彻、图片精美丰富、版式新颖别致，不仅适合资深军事爱好者阅读和收藏，也可作为青少年的军事启蒙读物。

《社会契约论》是法国思想家让·雅克·卢梭于1762年出版的政治哲学著作，它既可以被视为法国大革命的文献，也可以被视为伟大的政治哲学著作。《社会契约论》分为四卷：卷一论述了社会结构和社会契约，卷二阐述主权及其权力，卷三阐述政府及其运作形式，卷四讨论几种社会组织。《社会契约论》中主权在民的思想是近现代民主制度的基石。

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

大国仪兵

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.