《三十六计》是我国古代流传广的谋略经典书籍，是对古代兵家计谋和策略的总结。三十六计依次分为胜战计、敌战计、攻战计、混战计、并战计和败战计六套战计，本书详细介绍了每一计的计名来源、经典战例、商战应用以及设计与破解技巧。除了精辟的分析和介绍外，本书还采取了图解的编辑手法，以一页文字一页图解的形式，结合大量实战案例，让读者了解各计的来龙去脉与相互之间的关系，灵活掌握各计的使用方法，从而真正做到学以致用。

本书论述了国外大部制改革的状况及其经验启示，阐述了大部制的内涵与特征；在解析地方政府大部制改革实践的基础上，剖析了大部制改革的误区、问题与阻力；解构了大部制的治理结构与治理机制，启发读者认识大部制的运行机理；后，提出了进一步发展完善大部制的对策与建议。

　　《目标治理：看得见的五年规划之手》选择新中国成立至今已经执行的十一个五年计划为研究对象。《目标治理：看得见的五年规划之手》第4章对五年计划中央地方目标的匹配性进行了实证研究，结果表明：“六五”以来，中央与地方趋于激励相容。第5章构建了五年计划绩效指数，对我国的十一个五年计划绩效进行了定量评估。结果表明：改革开放以后，五年计划的绩效明显高于计划经济时期，到“十一五”时期，达到历史水平。

那是一段战火纷飞的岁月，人类经历了一场历史上规模*的战争——第二次世界大战。从欧洲到北非，从大西洋到太平洋，61个国家、17亿人被拉入了战争的泥沼，5 000余万人化作亡魂，4万多亿美元付诸流水，这是人类千年文明所遭遇的空前劫难。

和许多中国式的智慧一样，《三十六计》是根据中国古代卓越的军事思想和丰富的斗争经验总结而成的兵书。一般而言，人们都把《三十六计》和《孙子兵法》相提并论，事实上很多谋略思想确实源自于这部不朽著作的阐发，但是《三十六计》一些计名的出处显然具有近古汉语的特色，其计名在元杂剧中的大量出现就是明显的例子。

本书共分为7篇，从倡议建立全新的国防制度，说明政略与军略、国力、武力、兵力的关系到介绍西方全新的军事理论，作者均作了详尽的阐释和描述。书中的内容可概括如下：，用空间换时间；第二，不畏鲸吞，只怕蚕食，全面抗战；第三，开战上海，利用地理条件减弱日军攻势，形成长期战场。终结论为：抗日，必须以国民为本，打持久战。

2007 年，中国农垦系统和海南省展开了一场引人瞩目的组织变革，这就是涉及一百万人口、海南岛四分之一土地面积的海南农垦管理体制改革。本书作者作为这次改革的亲历者和参与者，详细地记载了两年多来的重要改革历程，描述了其中的精彩故事片段，总结了这次变革的重要经验。

社会裂变中的舆情态势及问题治理是一个现实而急迫的大课题。社会转型在某种意义上是一种社会的裂变过程，社会位置的差异、多年形成的刻板成见使这一过程充满着隔阂、矛盾、误解、偏见和冲突，而为社会情势表征的舆情恰是其中为活跃和富有驱动力的一道社会景观。

党的十七大是在我国改革和发展关键阶段召开的一次十分重要的大会。学习贯彻党的十七大精神，关系党和国家工作全局，关系中国特色社会主义事业的长远发展，关系中华民族伟大复兴，关系全国人民根本利益。为更好推进党的十七大精神“三进”工作，我们按照十七大所提出的重大战略思想和战略部署，围绕九个方面的专题，组织有关人员编写此书。

爆发于在60年前的朝鲜战争对于今天的人们来说，不过是茶余饭后的谈资；也许人们会为战争中的某些事迹感动的泪流满面，又也许人们会为战争中的某些细节争执的面红耳赤；甚至人们可能会因为彼此立场的不同，对那场战争做出完全不同的评价；可本质上在这个年纪相差三岁就会有代沟，同事相处数载却叫不出彼此名字的浮华年代大部分人对这场战争是没有什么感觉的。因为人们觉得不会有人因为60年前的战争改变命运的。但事实上，有些人的命运真因这场战争改变了。在百万将士拼死厮杀的背后，那三年的朝鲜半岛也是一个群星璀璨的英雄角逐场。三国四方的优秀将领云集于此，有此前名声显赫者在这里一败涂地，也有此前默默小辈在这里一战成名。有关那些敢战敢胜智勇双全的传奇英雄故事，后人传颂歌唱，高山仰止，千古流芳。六十一甲子，当年战争的参与者都已渐渐消逝于历史中。回望历史的海域，有的地方波谲云诡，有的地方风平浪静，……这一切，后都化作一句话：命运无常。

本书深入分析了政府网站在服务民生、服务企业、推进新农村建设、规范市场经济秩序、推动行政体制改革等领域的实践，总结了我国优秀的政府网站的服务内容和管理制度，将政府网站建设的成功经验总结归纳出来并形成完整体系，具有一定的学习、借鉴和指导意义，有利于不断改进政府网站的建设和管理，促进我国电子政务建设持续协调发展。

本书是由清华大学公共管理学院组编、清华大学出版社出版的公共管理和公共政策研究的专业学术出版物。第十一卷共收录5篇论文、3篇评论及6篇书评。所收录的论文反映了国内外公共管理前沿的一些研究领域的*进展，包括海峡两岸特殊政治关系的法理解释、国际经济危机的中国应对、基础教育财政制度、中美MPA教育发展比较、财政分权等问题。书评是对6本与公共管理相关著作的介绍和评价。

本书是1919年孙中山用英文写成，集中体现了孙中山先生对中国发展交通、工业、矿业等实现现代化的宏大设想。这是一部谈实业建设问题的专注，共包括六大计划，集中呈现孙中山经济发展和经济建设的思想，是孙中山为建设一个完整的资产阶级共和国而勾画的蓝图，也是中国近代振兴实业思想的代表作。

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

大国仪兵