随着中国实力的迅速提升，美国长久以来拥有的全球优势地位受到了挑战。从历史的角度来看，《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》中雅典和斯巴达的战争历史，对理解当下中美关系的发展至关重要。修昔底德在书中指出，“使战争不可避免的真正原因是雅典势力的增长以及因此而引起的斯巴达的恐惧”，艾利森将此定义为“修昔底德陷阱”。 本书聚焦崛起中的中国对于美国及全球秩序的影响这一问题，对历史上16个崛起国与守成国行全球竞争的案例和战争场景行分析，指出中美之间的冲突是可以避免的。 作者认为，修昔底德陷阱是一个结构性压力，在现今中国和美国都提出让各自的国家“再次伟大”的时代背景下，两国妥善处理在关键领域的利益分歧，可避免灾难性战争的发生。同时，作者在书中还为中美如何避免发生战争冲突提供了12个具有借鉴意义的方法。

　　《建国方略》是革命先驱孙文于1917年至1920年期间所著的三《建国方略》——《孙文学说》、《实业计划》、《民权初步》的合称。《孙文学说》又名《知难行易的学说》，是建国方略之“心理建设”，也是孙文哲学思想的代表作：他以大量事实阐发了行而后知、行易知难的认识论观：《实业计划》是建国方略之“物质建设”，其中对实现工农业、交通运输业的现代化作了详尽规划，是孙文为中国经济发展所勾画的美好蓝图，《民权初步》又名《会议通则》，阐述了政府管理和群众在社会生活中应掌握的民主原则、程序和方法，是建国方略之“社会建设”。

马克思主义政治经济学是马克思主义的重要组成部分，“是马克思主义理论*深刻、*全面、*详尽的证明和运用”。中国共产党以马克思主义为立党立国的指导思想，历来重视对马克思主义政治经济学的学习和研究、运用和发展。党的十八大以来，我们党坚持观大势、谋全局、干实事，成功驾驭我国经济发展大局，在实践中形成了以新发展理念为主要内容的*新时代中国特色社会主义经济思想。*新时代中国特色社会主义经济思想，是*新时代中国特色社会主义思想的重要组成部分，是中国特色社会主义政治经济学的*成果，是马克思主义政治经济学在当代中国的*发展。 本书以*新时代中国特色社会主义经济思想为核心，阐述了马克思主义政治经济学在当代中国的新发展及其主要内容。本书的主要目的，不仅在于展示马克思主义政治经济学在当代中国实践中的强大生命力和重要指导作用，而且在于揭示我们党创新和发展马克思主义政治经济学所取得的辉煌理论成果和伟大实践成就。

清华大学朱旭峰教授的《改革放与当代中国智库》一书立足于中国改革放40年，系统审视了中国智库在改革放过程中的发展历程和现实作用，并深分析了新时代多元化的中国智库体系及智库运行体系中的新主体，以期全面认识中国特色新型智库的现状、问题及未来的发展方向。本书提出了新时代中国智库建设的十大关键词，即专业、影响、独立、创新、务实、竞争、合作、激励、监督、国际化，对于建设中国特色新型智库具有重要的启发意义。

　　《看法与说法》是*同志自2005年以来出版的又一著作，全书共分为四册。作者常说：“凡事都要有一个看法。”“看法是头脑改造过的认识、观、主张。”“看法的形成有一个过程，即由浅深、由片面到更多方面。”“不断地追求反映事物本质的看法，对于训练思维能力、提高理论水平、搞好工作有着极其重要的意义。”“说法是看法的表达”，“在坚持准确性的前提下，力求通俗、简洁、鲜明、生动和富有个性。”本书即是以摘要的形式集录了作者对经济、政治、文化、社会、生活等各方面问题的看法和说法，也可以说集录了他对各种问题的观和主张。本书全面地反映*同志多年从事领导工作的思想观、工作方法和经验智慧，具有很高的理论价值和很强的可读性，不论对于领导干部还是普通读者而言，都具有十分重要的学习和指导价值。

本报告是“中国人力资源审计系列报告”的第四部，在前三部报告的基础上继续完善了涵盖全国31个省、自治区和直辖市人力资源法律法规的量化指标数据库，可为地方政府制定和执行改革计划提供有益的政策研究和咨询支持。

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

Such an expression of unhappiness was enough by itself to make one's eyes slide above the paper's edge to the poor woman’s face—insignificant without that look, almost a symbol of human destiny with it. Life's what you see in people's eyes; life's what they learn, and, having learnt it, never, though they seek to hide it, cease to be aware of—what? That life's like that, it seems. Five faces opposite—five mature faces—and the knowledge in each face. Strange, though, how people want to conceal it! Marks of reticence are on all those faces: lips shut, eyes shaded, each one of the five doing something to hide or stultify his knowledge. One smokes; another reads; a third checks entries in a pocket book; a fourth stares at the map of the line framed opposite; and the fifth—the terrible thing about the fifth is that she does nothing at all.

A historical play by William Shakespeare describing the life and death of Richard III. The play begins with Richard describing the accession to the throne of his brother, King Edward IV of England, eldest son of the late Richard, Duke of York. Richard plots to have his brother Clarence, who stands before him in the line of succession, conducted to the Tower of London over a prophecy he bribed a soothsayer to finagle the suspicious King with.

　　《民主新论》是美国当代著名政治思想家萨托利耗费十年心血撰写而成的经典之作，一经问世便得到了广泛赞誉。学术界盛赞萨托利在民主学说上“堪称我们时代为强大的头脑”，“他的论证没有真正的对手”。该书至今仍是民主理论研究的权威著作。萨托利希望以西方传统政治理论为基础，恢复其所谓的“主流民主学说”。 ??? 在上卷“当代论争”中，萨托利回顾了当代重要的民主理论，并以清晰的思路彻底检视了其中存在的突出问题，由此综合而成他向读者提出的所谓一种新的主流观，其犀利的论说与敏捷的思维巧妙地穿梭于不同的思想派别之间。本书*的魅力在于，萨托利认为，规范性（理想的）理论与描述性（现实的）理论必须被结合成一个整体，才能在民主可能的理论中行之有效。这部博识之作的清晰和生动，对于大学本科生而言，非常具有可读性。

　　列宁离这个世界快一百年了。他缔造一个新型的革命党，又在资本主义世界的夹缝中建立一个新的国家制度，他像马克思一样，从来没有把受时间、空间限制的俄国经验一般化，而是通过一场新制度的社会实验，为后来者留下了宝贵的政治遗产： 　　搅动20世纪国际秩序的苏共；与苏维埃政权伴生的无产阶级专政；处理“党外有党、党内有派”的矛盾；探寻非资本主义现代化道路的新经济政策；视农民为无产阶级长期的同盟者…… 　　当然，列宁时代也存在悬而未决的问题： 　　莫衷一是的党国体制；摇摆的知识分子政策；解放全人类的革命理想主义的困顿……

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

广东千村调查项目是由暨南大学经济与社会研究院发起，暨南大学社会调查中心与共青团暨南大学委员会共同主办的全省性调查项目，项目组前往3000余户农村家庭，深乡村收集高质量一手数据研究三农问题，实现学术研究与政策研究的有机结合，为广东省乃至全国的乡村振兴建言献策。本书共分七部分，*部分介绍了广东千村调查的缘起和部分研究报告，后六部分按调查行的先后顺序由项目各部分参与者提供真实记录手稿，记录历史，折射现实，为乡村提供更加真实的侧面写照。

本书为国家社科基金项目成果。侨务工作是中国对外交流活动中重要的工作之一，研究和借鉴其他国家在侨务工作上的经验有利于我国侨务工作的展。全书选取当今世界上具有代表性的发达、次发达和发展中国家的美国、爱尔兰及印度三个国家为例，系统阐述美国侨民战略的内容、实施机制和实施效果及其对我国侨民战略的启示，并以2008年经济危机为切来分析爱尔兰侨民战略，厘清侨民战略与爱尔兰经济发展的内在逻辑，同时探讨印度侨民战略的提出背景与内容、机制、主要措施及效果。本书力求对我国侨民政策的制定、修订、完善及侨务活动的展具有一定的借鉴意义。

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《决策之前》系智库版刊载的一些服务省委决策的重大主题策划以及各省级高端智库与重培育智库的重要文章的合集。

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《政在一线》系政声版“声音”“县委书记讲坛”栏目刊载的文章合集。

本书以加拿大的中等国家外交思想与国内政治文化为研究主轴，分析与探究了加拿大的“多边外交”的偏好以及自我定位国际政治（危机）中的“斡旋者”和“修复者”的内在政治文化的因素，并对加拿大在全球治理中的“悄悄贡献者”和“影子行为体”角色行了全方位的考察和研究。作者兼顾了当前的中加关系态势，对加拿大涉华智库和知华派以及中加关系的历史发展也行了全面梳理。本书为中国学者、政策决策者以及智库专家和读者提供了*、*系统的加拿大国别研究的专业知识和文本。   

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.