全书共9章，前2章回顾江苏过去五年“强富美高”新江苏建设取得的显著成就，分析扛起“争当表率、争做示范、走在前列”的重大使命面临的形势任务；后7章则分别从推动经济高质量发展、创造人民期盼的美好生活、提升省域治理整体效能、促人与自然和谐共生、加强社会主义精神文明建设、塑造改革放新优势等方面对江苏“十四五”时期的目标任务行了阐释。本书使用数据和资料权威、专业，语言通俗易懂，具有较强的针对性和说服力。

本书是学习和阐述党的二十大关于中国式现代化重大理论的经济学著作。本书在阐明世界现代化一般特征基础上，基于中国国情系统阐述中国共产党领导的社会主义现代化的中国特色。本书依据习近平经济思想，从现代化角度系统总结我国全面建成小康社会的经验，重阐述正在启的社会主义现代化新征程所涉及的发展道路和相应的发展战略问题，尤其关注新发展阶段贯彻新发展理念构建新发展格局推的高质量发展对中国式现代化道路的新拓展，全面论述中国式现代化道路所创的人类文明新形态。本书不仅是关于中国式现代化的学术著作，也可作为干部群众、青年学生行理论学习的重要读物。

在迈向全面建设社会主义现代化强国新征程的今天，维护国家安全是头等大事。本书聚焦中华民族伟大复兴战略全局与世界百年未有之大变局深度互动的大背景，从国家安全内外环境变化的逻辑视角分析国家安全观的演变。特别是，在统筹发展和安全的视角下，探讨构建新发展格局与有效维护国家安全的关系，阐释推国家安全体系和能力现代化的重要意义。全书以习近平总体国家安全观为指导，从汲取人类优秀安全思想成果、坚持和发展马克思主义、借鉴系统科学精髓三个方面，探索国家安全现代化的理论基础，系统梳理、总结了党的十八大以来我国在国家安全体制、战略与政策、法治、人才与教育等方面所取得的体系建设的巨大成就，分析了我国在国家安全主要领域和重领域所面对的重大风险挑战以及提升能力、有效应对之策。

内容提要： 2021年是中国共产党成立100周年。浙江是中国革命红船起航地，是中国改革放先行地，是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想重要萌发地，浙江正在努力成为新时代全面展示中国特色社会主义制度优越性的重要窗口。重返党史现场，再现党史瞬间。为纪念中国共产党成立100周年，中共浙江省委党史和文献研究室、中国新闻社浙江分社、中共杭州市委党史研究室（杭州市人民政府地方志办公室）合作编撰《瞬间：重返浙江红色现场》。该书通过重要党史亲历者后人重返现场，记录了浙江百年党史的精彩瞬间，从党史现场绘就百年浙江党史的恢弘画卷。

浙江是中国革命红船的起航地、改革开放的先行地、习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的重要萌发地，杭州是一座传承红色基因的城市，杭州红色博物馆联盟以中国共产党领导杭州人民在革命、建设、改革时期建树丰功伟绩所形成的纪念地、标志物等32家红色博物馆组成。该书把32家红色博物馆串珠成链、资源共享，展示了杭州这座城市的温度和魅力，意在把红色传统发扬好，把红色基因传承好，切实做好党史宣传教育，引导广大党员干部、普通市民、青少年学生等加深对中国共产党光辉历程的认识，增强为中国特色社会主义伟大事业不懈奋斗的使命感和自豪感。

本书以报告文学的笔法，通过典型人物和生动故事，*记录了红船启航地嘉兴市南湖区学习、弘扬和践行红船精神的全过程；生动而艺术地描述了改革开放以来，尤其是党的十九大以来，南湖儿女在红船精神指引下，在社会进步、经济发展等方面取得的成绩；展现了在中国特色社会主义新时代里，南湖儿女全力弘扬红船精神的信心和勇气

习近平总书记指出，“中国共产党为什么能，中国特色社会主义为什么好，归根结底是马克思主义行”。马克思主义是科学的理论体系，具有强大的说服力、解释力、实践力。本书围绕“马克思主义为什么行”，从理论的科学性、实践的正确性、发展的放性、视野的世界性等维度展论证，系统化、全景式地阐释了马克思主义基本原理、马克思主义中国化的实践程与理论成果，及其在国际上重要的传播力与影响力，为未来社会发展指明了方向。本书尤为指出的是，习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是马克思主义中国化成果，是当代中国马克思主义、21 世纪马克思主义，是回答“马克思主义为什么行”现实的答案。

【内容简介】 为在全省宣传战线进一步营造开拓创新的浓厚氛围，推动宣传思想文化工作在新形势下*提升科学化水平，中共江苏省委宣传部每年从十三个市的宣传思想文化工作一线征集和评选出具有代表性和创新性的优秀案例，并加以整理和选编，集结成册，对基层宣传思想文化工作者的工作实践起到了很好的借鉴和参考作用。每年入选的案例均代表了当年当地宣传思想文化工作的亮点，本书稿为2020年度的案例选编，入选案例包括新媒体运用、大型文化活动的开展、广大群众反响强烈的优秀人物事迹等。

本书是作者学思悟践“马克思主义为什么行”的成果集结，收录作者近年来围绕“马克思主义为什么行”撰写的40余篇文章，以马克思主义的科学性和真理性、人民性和实践性、放性和时代性三个方面为构架，层层递，用通俗易懂的语言阐述了对“马克思主义为什么行”的思考和领会，表达了作为一名共产党人要坚持不懈用党的理论成果武装头脑、指导实践、推动工作，堪称一部感悟马克思主义理论的力量、让党的创新理论飞寻常百姓家的倾情用心之作。

本书在大历史观和世界视野下探讨中国式现代化的理论定位，通过对现代化发展模式的历史透视与横向对比给出中国式现代化的科学内涵。在此基础上，本书结合中国现代化的发展历程，从以党的领导作为政治保障、以马克思主义作为理论指南、以全面协调发展作为行动指南和以人民为中心作为价值取向等方面探讨中国式现代化的独特性，归纳中国式现代化的长期目标、阶段目标和具体任务，结合中国式现代化所面临的挑战，从经济、政治、文化、社会和生态五个维度给出中国式现代化的实现路径。

本书研究现代财政制度的理论基础和构建方向。关于财政理论基础主要观有：财政活动的出发应从提供公共物品到增公共秩序；以“经济有效、社会有序、政治包容”为目标可建立“国家治理财政”的基本框架。关于“构建现代财政制度”的主要观为：预算制度建设要民主法治、透明高效；财政收制度要法定统一、嵌社会；财政支出制度要社会参与、保护社会；政府间财政关系要寓活力于秩序。

本书共分七章，前六章从经济学的角度分析政府制定与数字经济领域相关的“十四五”规划内容的理论依据和现实考虑，在对当前数字经济发展形式行研判的基础上，挖掘未来发展面临的机遇和挑战，并给出相应的政策建议，后在第七章对全书行总结。本书亦可作为对“十四五”规划《纲要》中数字经济部分的解读。

内容提要： 本书是关于中共一大代表的专题性人物全传，详细介绍了中共一大代表的人生经历，附录里还记载了虽然没有参加中共一大，但是在中共建党之前和为中共一大的召发挥重要作用并作出卓越贡献的陈独秀和李大钊。本书比较准确地回顾了这段历史，考证有据、言出有凭，纠正了以往的一些遗漏和个别研究的错讹之处。架构布局合理、内容通俗易懂，特别是活泼的语式、轻快的文风，一改以往经典读物严肃沉闷之风，是一本纪念建党一百周年的通俗读物。书中弘扬的中共一大精神，对于我们在新时代统筹推“四个伟大”，全面实现“两个一百年”奋斗目标以及中华民族伟大复兴中国梦，具有十分重要的意义。

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

A librarian in a small town is asked to play the part of a medieval king. He not only takes his role seriously by thoroughly researching the Middle Ages, when the play is concluded, he refuses to take off the costume. He remains in character, much to the surprise of the other actors.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《决策之前》系智库版刊载的一些服务省委决策的重大主题策划以及各省级高端智库与重培育智库的重要文章的合集。