本书主要由三个部分构成：*部分从就业理论、就业事实、实证研究三个维度概括了重大疫情对就业市场的全面冲；第二部分分别从国际组织与国别的实践角度展现了全球抗疫情促就业的经验做法与政策实践；第三部分从劳动者、企业、人力资源服务机构、数字经济平台、政府部门等利益相关者主体的角度，基于疫中、疫后短期、疫后长期等三个时期呈现了我国在新冠肺炎疫情下促就业的全方位探索。

五岳祭祀是中国古代山川崇拜的z高形式，深研究五岳祭祀演变，是研究古代山川信仰的重要突破口。本书以“古代五岳祭祀演变考论”为题，通过对秦汉以来历朝五岳祭祀行通代考察，总结归纳五岳祭祀史上的主要环节，揭示五岳祭祀变迁的思想动力以及五岳在历朝的政治地理意义，具有一定的学术价值。

《存在主义——从陀斯妥也夫斯基到沙特》，原为美国世界出版公司1956年出版的一部英文著作，是美国存在主义研究专家考夫曼（Walter Kaufmann）对陀斯妥也夫斯基、齐克果、尼采、里尔克、卡夫卡、雅斯培、海德格、沙特八位存在主义哲学家原作的编选，对系统了解存在主义基本观和各家的重要思想具有重要的资料价值。本书由陈鼓应、孟祥森、刘崎三人合作翻译而成。 存在主义是二十世纪重要的哲学流派，强调个人、独立自主和主观经验，主要包括有神论的存在主义、无神论的存在主义和人道主义的存在主义三大类。存在主义以人为中心，尊重人的个性和自由，认为，人是在无意义的宇宙中生活，人的存在本身也没有意义，但人可以在存在的基础上自我造就，活得精彩。该学派著名和明确的倡议是萨特的格言——“存在先于本质”。意思是，除了人的生存之外，没有天经地义的道德或体外的灵魂，道德和灵魂都是人在生存中创造出来的；人没有义务遵守某个道德标准或宗教信仰，人有选择的自由。

本书是作者在印度参加各类活动和在各地游历的现场观察与过程记录，差不多是田野笔记与对话录的综合。本书虽然以“对话印度”为名，但本意是与印度社会对话，或者说是发生在印度的对话。它是作者与印度学者和学生对话的结晶，也是学术交流的结晶。

本书是一部伊斯兰教世界通史，以时间为经，以地区和国别为纬，全面系统地介绍了伊斯兰教产生、发展和流传的历史。全书所记时限始于伊斯兰教兴起前的阿拉伯社会状况，止于当今伊斯兰教在各国的情况和特。所记内容按教派分化展，广泛涉及伊斯兰教的经籍、教法、教义、人物、教制、教职等等，同时兼及伊斯兰教的节日、礼俗、圣地、遗迹、建筑、文学、艺术等等。在对伊斯兰教作全面考察的同时，书中还对伊斯兰教与政治、社会、经济、文化的关系，作了深刻的分析，对一些重要史事和学术问题也提出了不少新的见解。

本书是一部基督教世界通史，以时间为经，以地区和国别为纬，全面系统地介绍了基督教产生、发展和流传的历史。全书所记时限始于基督教产生前的犹太社会状况，止于基督教在近现代中国的流传。所记内容按教派分化展，广泛涉及基督教及各支派的经籍、教义、神学、人物、组织、教制、教职等等，同时兼及基督教的节日、礼俗、圣地、遗迹、建筑、文学、艺术等等。在对基督教本身作全面考察的同时，书中还对基督教与政治、社会、经济、文化的关系作了深刻的分析，对一些重要史事和学术问题也提出了新的见解。

《中国大历史》全书按中国历史社会的变迁划分为：上古史、中古史、近古史、近世史、现代史五个不同的时期，详细地记叙了上起远古时代，下至民国十一年的中国历史。

吕思勉历史国学全集包括：《中国通史》《中国大历史》《国学知识大全》三册。 《中国通史》是吕思勉先生的史学成名作，也是我国历史上部用白话文写成的中国通史。 全书分为上下两册，上册是中国文化史，借鉴古代史书的典制体，按章节分为婚姻、族制、政体、阶级、财产、官制、选举等十八个专题，内容之广泛，完全与今“大文化”涵义相合；下册是中国政治史，从民族起源开始，叙述历朝历代史事直至民国开创。 浓缩中国五千年历史于一书。《中国通史》渗透着吕思勉用新方法、新思想来整理旧国故的精神，全书“以丰富的史识与流畅的笔调来写通史，方为通史写作开一新的纪元”。 《中国大历史》全书按中国历史社会的变迁划分为：上古史、中古史、近古史、近世史、现代史五个不同的时期，详细地记叙了上起远古时代，下至民国十一年的中国历史。 《国学知识大全》本书收录吕思勉先生《国学概论》《经子解题》《先秦学术概论》《理学纲要》《中国文化史》《历史研究法》《史学与史籍》《中国史籍读法》，是迄今讲授国学入门门径全面的指导书。

More’s “Utopia” was written in Latin, and is in two parts, of which the second, describing the place ([Greek text]—or Nusquama, as he called it sometimes in his letters—“Nowhere”), was probably written towards the close of 1515; the first part, introductory, early in 1516. The book was first printed at Louvain, late in 1516, under the editorship of Erasmus, Peter Giles, and other of More’s friends in Flanders. It was then revised by More, and printed by Frobenius at Basle in November, 1518. It was reprinted at Paris and Vienna, but was not printed in England during More’s lifetime. Its first publication in this country was in the English translation, made in Edward’s VI.’s reign (1551) by Ralph Robinson. It was translated with more literary skill by Gilbert Burnet, in 1684, soon after he had conducted the defence of his friend Lord William Russell, attended his execution, vindicated his memory, and been spitefully deprived by James II. of his lectureship at St. Clement’s. Burnet was drawn to the translation of “Utopia” by the same sense of unreason in high places that caused More to write the book. Burnet’s is the translation given in this volume. The name of the book has given an adjective to our language—we call an impracticable scheme Utopian. Yet, under the veil of a playful fiction, the talk is intensely earnest, and abounds in practical suggestion. It is the work of a scholarly and witty Englishman, who attacks in his own way the chief political and social evils of his time. Beginning with fact, More tells how he was sent into Flanders with Cuthbert Tunstal, “whom the king’s majesty of late, to the great rejoicing of all men, did prefer to the office of Master of the Rolls;” how the commissioners of Charles met them at Bruges, and presently returned to Brussels for instructions; and how More then went to Antwerp, where he found a pleasure in the society of Peter Giles which soothed his desire to see again his wife and children, from whom he had been four months away. Then fact slides into fiction with the finding of Raphael Hythloday (whose name, made of two Greek words [Greek text] and [Greek text], means “knowing in trifles”), a man who had been with Amerigo Vespucci in the three last of the voyages to the new world lately discovered, of which the account had been first printed in 1507, only nine years before Utopia was written. Designedly fantastic in suggestion of details, “Utopia” is the work of a scholar who had read Plato’s “Republic,” and had his fancy quickened after reading Plutarch’s account of Spartan life under Lycurgus. Beneath the veil of an ideal communism, into which there has been worked some witty extravagance, there lies a noble English argument. Sometimes More puts the case as of France when he means England. Sometimes there is ironical praise of the good faith of Christian kings, saving the book from censure as a political attack on the policy of Henry VIII. Erasmus wrote to a friend in 1517 that he should send for More’s “Utopia,” if he had not read it, and “wished to see the true source of all political evils.” And to More Erasmus wrote of his book, “A burgomaster of Antwerp is so pleased with it that he knows it all by heart.” Sir Thomas More, son of Sir John More, a justice of the King’s Bench, was born in 1478, in Milk Street, in the city of London. After his earlier education at St. Anthony’s School, in Threadneedle Street, he was placed, as a boy, in the household of Cardinal John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor. It was not unusual for persons of wealth or influence and sons of good families to be so established together in a relation of patron and client. The youth wore his patron’s livery, and added to his state. The patron used, afterwards, his wealth or influence in helping his young client forward in the world.

Among the notable books of later times-we may say, without exaggeration, of all time--must be reckoned The Confessions of Jean Jacques Rousseau. It deals with leading personages and transactions of a momentous epoch, when absolutism and feudalism were rallying for their last struggle against the modern spirit, chiefly represented by Voltaire, the Encyclopedists, and Rousseau himself--a struggle to which, after many fierce intestine quarrels and sanguinary wars throughout Europe and America, has succeeded the prevalence of those more tolerant and rational principles by which the statesmen of our own day are actuated. On these matters, however, it is not our province to enlarge; nor is it necessary to furnish any detailed account of our author's political, religious, and philosophic axioms and systems, his paradoxes and his errors in logic: these have been so long and so exhaustively disputed over by contending factions that little is left for even the most assiduous gleaner in the field. The inquirer will find, in Mr. John Money's excellent work, the opinions of Rousseau reviewed succinctly and impartially. The 'Contrat Social', the 'Lattres Ecrites de la Montagne', and other treatises that once aroused fierce controversy, may therefore be left in the repose to which they have long been consigned, so far as the mass of mankind is concerned, though they must always form part of the library of the politician and the historian. One prefers to turn to the man Rousseau as he paints himself in the remarkable work before us. That the task which he undertook in offering to show himself--as Persius puts it--'Intus et in cute', to posterity, exceeded his powers, is a trite criticism; like all human enterprises, his purpose was only imperfectly fulfilled; but this circumstance in no way lessens the attractive qualities of his book, not only for the student of history or psychology, but for the intelligent man of the world. Its startling frankness gives it a peculiar interest wanting in most other autobiographies. Many censors have elected to sit in judgment on the failings of this strangely constituted being, and some have pronounced upon him very severe sentences. Let it be said once for all that his faults and mistakes were generally due to causes over which he had but little control, such as a defective education, a too acute sensitiveness, which engendered suspicion of his fellows, irresolution, an overstrained sense of honour and independence, and an obstinate refusal to take advice from those who really wished to befriend him; nor should it be forgotten that he was afflicted during the greater part of his life with an incurable disease. Lord Byron had a soul near akin to Rousseau's, whose writings naturally made a deep impression on the poet's mind, and probably had an influence on his conduct and modes of thought: In some stanzas of 'Childe Harold' this sympathy is expressed with truth and power; especially is the weakness of the Swiss philosopher's character summed up in the following admirable lines: "Here the self-torturing sophist, wild Rousseau, The apostle of affliction, he who threw Enchantment over passion, and from woe Wrung overwhelming eloquence, first drew The breath which made him wretched; yet he knew How to make madness beautiful, and cast O'er erring deeds and thoughts a heavenly hue Of words, like sunbeams, dazzling as they passed The eyes, which o'er them shed tears feelingly and fast. "His life was one long war with self-sought foes, Or friends by him self-banished; for his mind Had grown Suspicion's sanctuary, and chose, For its own cruel sacrifice, the kind, 'Gainst whom he raged with fury strange and blind. But he was frenzied,-wherefore, who may know? Since cause might be which skill could never find; But he was frenzied by disease or woe To that worst pitch of all, which wears a reasoning show."

Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914) este o figur? important? a filosofiei secolului XIX ?i unul dintre prefa?atorii principalelor curente de g?ndire din secolul XX, fiind considerat fondatorul pragmatismului american. Cele dou? eseuri prezentate aici, primele din seria cunoscut? sub numele Ilustr?ri ale logicii ?tiin?ei, sunt reprezentative pentru opera sa, caracterizat? de profunzimi ?i subtilit??i specifice unui g?nditor care beneficiaz? ?i de preg?tirea unui om de ?tiin?a.Cu toate c? sunt uneori pur abstracte, observa?iile privitoare la convingeri ?i idei r?m?n, indiferent de sistem, puncte principale de sprijin pentru distinc?ia ?ntre g?ndirea s?n?toas? ?i cea viciat?.“ Este groaznic s? vezi cum o singur? idee neclar?, o singur? formul? f?r? ?n?eles, care se furi?eaz? ?n capul unui t?n?r, va ac?iona uneori ca un obstacol de materie inert? ?ntr-o arter?, ?mpiedic?nd circula?ia ?n creier ?i condamn?ndu-?i victima spre ofilire ?n plenitudinea vigorii intelectuale ?i ?n mijlocul abunden?ei intelectuale.“ - Charles Sanders Peirce

Critic erudit ?i pamfletar de for??, Paul Zarifopol (1874-1934) a fost un fin observator al omului ?i al fibrei care alc?tuie?te ?es?turile sociale profunde. Volumul de fa?? cuprinde eseuri care au r?mas de o actualitate acut?, chiar ?i la aproape un secol dup? ce au fost scrise.Coroziv ?i doct, discursul aduce ?n fa?a cititorului concepte esen?iale pentru morala ?i politica mai mult sau mai pu?in balcanice ale Rom?niei interbelice. Lumina ?n care ne sunt prezentate tipul politic ?i geniul organizator, de pild?, ne ofer? at?t senza?ia unei glacia?iuni temporale, c?t ?i pe aceea a unei familiarit??i inefabile.

【内容简介】

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声 音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《理论之光》系新论版“新华要论”栏目刊发的重要文章合集。

【内容简介】 本书描写了赣榆文言的语音现象，对于研究古音和其他地区的方言都具有重要作用，对于传承赣榆历史文脉，梳理赣榆人文源流，发挥文化作为经济发展的“助推器”、政治文明的“导航灯”、社会和谐的“黏合剂”的独特功能具有重要价值和意义。

以山羊胡与小文、小异、姜总之间发生的公文写作故事为情节主线，针对八种常见公文的写作，将公文写作技巧的讲解与例文写作置于其中。这八种常见公文类型包括会议纪要、信息简报、计划方案、工作总结、经验材料、工作报告、领导讲话稿和调研报告。

本书是中国学者撰写英帝国史的扛鼎之作。 二战后，“帝国”与“后殖民”研究已成为国际学术界的热门之一，成果赫然。但西方的研究都站在西方的立场上、弘扬西方的价值观念。这在英帝国研究中也是如此，以致今天的英帝国研究领域中，西方话语充斥其间，形成西方的一统天下。本书对英帝国的历史作细致的剖析，通过深研究，提出中国学者自己的诠释体系。 全书根据英帝国史的客观演，分八个阶段行讨论。 *阶段是英帝国的萌生期，这一时期，英国民族国家始形成，为海外扩张提供了制度保障。英帝国的萌生是民族国家的派生物，都铎王朝是英帝国的孕育人。本卷主要解释民族国家与英帝国萌生的关系，以及英国走上帝国扩张之路的背景与条件。 17世纪，英帝国从初生到形成。17世纪英国经历了政治大动荡，各种政体走马灯似地替换。但所有政府在帝国问题上却立场一致，都尽力扩张殖民地。这种现象背后是这样一个事实，即英国从民族国家形成起，就成为重商主义性质的国家。重商主义要求殖民地，早期英帝国是重商主义帝国。 18世纪是英帝国的第三阶段，是重商主义帝国战争的阶段，战争的规模逐渐从欧洲扩展到世界，始出现“世界的”大战。所有这些战争都是重商主义性质，英国与其他重商主义国家（西、葡、荷、法等）争夺海洋控制权，为重商主义而鏖战。本卷主要研究帝国战争的本质，重商主义是战争的根源。 就在英国败所有对手、几乎赢得海洋霸权的时刻，美国革命却瓦解了英帝国。这是殖民帝国内在危机的*次大暴露：宗主国与殖民地之间必定要对抗，结局一定是帝国解体。不过在那个时代，人们没有意识到这一，相反，英国政府从美国革命中吸取教训，调整了殖民政策，以致短短三十年之间，又形成一个崭新的帝国，即“第二帝国”。这是英帝国的第四阶段：新旧交替的阶段。在这个阶段上，重商主义帝国渐次退出，新理念和新地域构成了新帝国。本卷主要研究了导致帝国生命更新的机制。 新帝国的基础是工业革命，其巨大的生产力和廉价的工业品成为新帝国的力量源泉。英国在实现自由贸易的过程中夺取了世界霸权，它着“自由贸易”的旗帜，将触角伸向全世界。就在这个时候，“自由帝国主义”理论出现了，它提倡“无形帝国”，认为英国不需要殖民地，只需要“自由贸易”。一个老牌的殖民国家，却“不要殖民地”了，这是为什么？这是英帝国的第五个阶段。 19世纪下半叶，就在帝国的旗帜高高飘扬、大英帝国如日中天时，英国却始走下坡路了。其他国家追赶工业化，破了英国的工业霸权，也破了它的殖民霸权。英国再一次调整殖民政策，投到争夺殖民地的斗争中去，“无形帝国”又变成“有形帝国”，英帝国也完成了“日不落”的使命。可是，帝国的内在逻辑仍然在起作用：就在英帝国看似*辉煌时，新的解体又始了。对英帝国的第六阶段，本卷重分析了帝国内在逻辑的必然性。 为拯救帝国，英国政治家再一次使尽解数，试图用“帝国联邦”来代替帝国，建立世界性的“联邦共同体”，在大世界中建立一个“英国的”小世界。英帝国在第七个阶段上试图完成这个转型，但转型没有成功。本卷解释了这一转型失败的原因和实质，涉及英国的观念、价值、制度结构等等。 二战结束后，英帝国骤然瓦解，其速度令人诧异。尽管有政治家构想出“第三帝国”的方案，试图在苏伊士以西维持帝国；但人们普遍以为：英国人深知时务，主动撤离，完成了“非殖民化”。果真如此吗？并不是。本卷研究发现，英国人在不同地区的撤离方式是不同的，有和平退出，有战争对抗。原因是，和平与战争都服从相同的帝国目标：构建一个实质性的“英联邦”，以维护英国的大国地位，这就是所谓“非殖民化”的本质。不过英国的梦想还是破灭了，英国的大国地位也随之破灭：英帝国寿终就寝。

在人们的思维活动中，有许多种想法，却不知怎样表达。该如何形成自己清晰的观？这种观又是怎样决定人们的习惯从而影响人们的现实生活？什么样的观是有效的观？ 美国实用主义哲学创始人查尔斯·S.皮尔士（Charles Sanders Peirce）在本书中有效地回答了这些问题。他系统阐述了自己对此问题的见解：首先探讨了人们在面对纷繁复杂的世界时，是如何一步一步形成清晰的观；其次对人们在形成具体而清晰的观过程中常用的几种方法行了分析。查尔斯·S.皮尔士认为，在面对具体情形时，人们不仅仅要找到所隐藏的前提条件或原则，更要有意识地把它们表达出来，这样才有利于行分析和表达，而积极、有效地影响或改变生活和工作。 阅读本书，可以培养人们在学习和工作中科学地行深度思考、逻辑推理与准确表达。?

THIS BOOK, First published anonymously, March 1880, and soon in various unauthorized editions. It wasn't until the 1925 edition that Adams was listed as author. Henry Adams remarked (ironically as usual), "The wholesale piracy of Democracy was the single real triumph of my life."—it was very popular, as readers tried to guess who the author was and who the characters really were. ON the first of December, Mrs. Lee took the train for Washington, and before five o'clock that evening she was entering her newly hired house on Lafayette Square. She shrugged her shoulders with a mingled expression of contempt and grief at the curious barbarism of the curtains and the wall-papers, and her next two days were occupied with a life-and-death struggle to get the mastery over her surroundings. In this awful contest the interior of the doomed house suffered as though a demon were in it; not a chair, not a mirror, not a carpet, was left untouched, and in the midst of the worst confusion the new mistress sat, calm as the statue of Andrew Jackson in the square under her eyes, and issued her orders with as much decision as that hero had ever shown. Towards the close of the second day, victory crowned her forehead. A new era, a nobler conception of duty and existence, had dawned upon that benighted and heathen residence. The wealth of Syria and Persia was poured out upon the melancholy Wilton carpets; embroidered comets and woven gold from Japan and Teheran depended from and covered over every sad stuff-curtain; a strange medley of sketches, paintings, fans, embroideries, and porcelain was hung, nailed, pinned, or stuck against the wall; finally the domestic altarpiece, the mystical Corot landscape, was hoisted to its place over the parlour fire, and then all was over. The setting sun streamed softly in at the windows, and peace reigned in that redeemed house and in the heart of its mistress. "I think it will do now, Sybil," said she, surveying the scene.

When, in 1831, Alexis de Tocqueville came to study Democracy in America, the trial of nearly a half-century of the working of our system had been made, and it had been proved, by many crucial tests, to be a government of "liberty regulated by law," with such results in the development of strength, in population, wealth, and military and commercial power, as no age had ever witnessed. De Tocqueville had a special inquiry to prosecute, in his visit to America, in which his generous and faithful soul and the powers of his great intellect were engaged in the patriotic effort to secure to the people of France the blessings that Democracy in America had ordained and established throughout nearly the entire Western Hemisphere. He had read the story of the French Revolution, much of which had been recently written in the blood of men and women of great distinction who were his progenitors; and had witnessed the agitations and terrors of the Restoration and of the Second Republic, fruitful in crime and sacrifice, and barren of any good to mankind. He had just witnessed the spread of republican government through all the vast continental possessions of Spain in America, and the loss of her great colonies. He had seen that these revolutions were accomplished almost without the shedding of blood, and he was filled with anxiety to learn the causes that had placed republican government, in France, in such contrast with Democracy in America. De Tocqueville was scarcely thirty years old when he began his studies of Democracy in America. It was a bold effort for one who had no special training in government, or in the study of political economy, but he had the example of Lafayette in establishing the military foundation of these liberties, and of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Hamilton, all of whom were young men, in building upon the Independence of the United States that wisest and best plan of general government that was ever devised for a free people.

A bírósági végrehajtási eljárás foganatosítása során gyakran el?fordulnak problémák és félreértések a gyakorlati életben. Jelen monográfia ezek magyarázatára t?rekszik azzal, hogy azon élet- és jogi helyzetekre ?sszpontosít, amelyekben a bírósági végrehajtó és a végrehajtási eljárás foganatosítása által érintett személyek interakciója magában hordozza a konfliktus lehet?ségét. Vizsgálat tárgya továbbá az eljárás társadalomra és gazdaságra gyakorolt hatása, a bírósági végrehajtási eljárás elhelyezkedése a jogon mint társadalmi alrendszeren belül.A végrehajtási ügyek manapság magas száma igényel egy ilyen jelleg? jogi szakmai és szociológiai ?sszefoglaló munkát, amely iránymutatás keretében igyekszik válaszokat adni minden érdekl?d? és érintett fél számára. A k?nyv nem csak a jogásztársadalomnak szól, hanem minden, a témában érintett vagy érdekelt résztvev?nek is.A k?tet a legfrissebb információkat tartalmazza, a 2012-ben jelent?sen módosult irányadó jogszabályi hátteret is k?veti.A k?nyvet Dr. Krejniker Miklós a Magyar Bírósági Végrehajtói Kamara eln?ke lektorálta, az el?szót Dr. Schadl Gy?rgy PhD f?iskolai docens írta.