The present publication is intended to supply a recognised deficiency in our literature—a library edition of the Essays of Montaigne. This great French writer deserves to be regarded as a classic, not only in the land of his birth, but in all countries and in all literatures. His Essays, which are at once the most celebrated and the most permanent of his productions, form a magazine out of which such minds as those of Bacon and Shakespeare did not disdain to help themselves; and, indeed, as Hallam observes, the Frenchman's literary importance largely results from the share which his mind had in influencing other minds, coeval and subsequent. But, at the same time, estimating the value and rank of the essayist, we are not to leave out of the account the drawbacks and the circumstances of the period: the imperfect state of education, the comparative scarcity of books, and the limited opportunities of intellectual intercourse. Montaigne freely borrowed of others, and he has found men willing to borrow of him as freely. We need not wonder at the reputation which he with seeming facility achieved. He was, without being aware of it, the leader of a new school in letters and morals. His book was different from all others which were at that date in the world. It diverted the ancient currents of thought into new channels. It told its readers, with unexampled frankness, what its writer's opinion was about men and things, and threw what must have been a strange kind of new light on many matters but darkly understood. Above all, the essayist uncased himself, and made his intellectual and physical organism public property. He took the world into his confidence on all subjects. His essays were a sort of literary anatomy, where we get a diagnosis of the writer's mind, made by himself at different levels and under a large variety of operating influences. Of all egotists, Montaigne, if not the greatest, was the most fascinating, because, perhaps, he was the least affected and most truthful. What he did, and what he had professed to do, was to dissect his mind, and show us, as best he could, how it was made, and what relation it bore to external objects. He investigated his mental structure as a schoolboy pulls his watch to pieces, to examine the mechanism of the works; and the result, accompanied by illustrations abounding with originality and force, he delivered to his fellow-men in a book. W. C. H. KENSINGTON, November 1877. THE LIFE OF MONTAIGNE The author of the Essays was born, as he informs us himself, between eleven and twelve o'clock in the day, the last of February 1533, at the chateau of St. Michel de Montaigne. His father, Pierre Eyquem, esquire, was successively first Jurat of the town of Bordeaux (1530), Under-Mayor 1536, Jurat for the second time in 1540, Procureur in 1546, and at length Mayor from 1553 to 1556. He was a man of austere probity, who had "a particular regard for honour and for propriety in his person and attire . . . a mighty good faith in his speech, and a conscience and a religious feeling inclining to superstition, rather than to the other extreme. Between 1556 and 1563 an important incident occurred in the life of Montaigne, in the commencement of his romantic friendship with Etienne de la Boetie, whom he had met, as he tells us, by pure chance at some festive celebration in the town. From their very first interview the two found themselves drawn irresistibly close to one another, and during six years this alliance was foremost in the heart of Montaigne, as it was afterwards in his memory, when death had severed it.

Human reason, in one sphere of its cognition, is called upon to consider questions, which it cannot decline, as they are presented by its own nature, but which it cannot answer, as they transcend every faculty of the mind. It falls into this difficulty without any fault of its own. It begins with principles, which cannot be dispensed with in the field of experience, and the truth and sufficiency of which are, at the same time, insured by experience. With these principles it rises, in obedience to the laws of its own nature, to ever higher and more remote conditions. But it quickly discovers that, in this way, its labours must remain ever incomplete, because new questions never cease to present themselves; and thus it finds itself compelled to have recourse to principles which transcend the region of experience, while they are regarded by common sense without distrust. It thus falls into confusion and contradictions, from which it conjectures the presence of latent errors, which, however, it is unable to discover, because the principles it employs, transcending the limits of experience, cannot be tested by that criterion. The arena of these endless contests is called Metaphysic.Time was, when she was the queen of all the sciences; and, if we take the will for the deed, she certainly deserves, so far as regards the high importance of her object-matter, this title of honour. Now, it is the fashion of the time to heap contempt and scorn upon her; and the matron mourns, forlorn and forsaken, like Hecuba: At first, her gover Modo maxima rerum, Tot generis, natisque potens... Nunc trahor exul, inops. —Ovid, Metamorphoses. xiii under the administration of the dogmatists, was an absolute despotism. But, as the legislative continued to show traces of the ancient barbaric rule, her empire gradually broke up, and intestine wars introduced the reign of anarchy; while the sceptics, like nomadic tribes, who hate a permanent habitation and settled mode of living, attacked from time to time those who had organized themselves into civil communities. But their number was, very happily, small; and thus they could not entirely put a stop to the exertions of those who persisted in raising new edifices, although on no settled or uniform plan. In recent times the hope dawned upon us of seeing those disputes settled, and the legitimacy of her claims established by a kind of physiology of the human understanding—that of the celebrated Locke. But it was found that—although it was affirmed that this so-called queen could not refer her descent to any higher source than that of common experience, a circumstance which necessarily brought suspicion on her claims—as this genealogy was incorrect, she persisted in the advancement of her claims to sovereignty. Thus metaphysics necessarily fell back into the antiquated and rotten constitution of dogmatism, and again became obnoxious to the contempt from which efforts had been made to save it. At present, as all methods, according to the general persuasion, have been tried in vain, there reigns nought but weariness and complete indifferentism—the mother of chaos and night in the scientific world, but at the same time the source of, or at least the prelude to, the re-creation and reinstallation of a science, when it has fallen into confusion, obscurity, and disuse from ill directed effort. I do not mean by this a criticism of books and systems, but a critical inquiry into the faculty of reason, with reference to the cognitions to which it strives to attain without the aid of experience; in other words, the solution of the question regarding the possibility or impossibility of metaphysics, and the determination of the origin, as well as of the extent and limits of this science. All this must be done on the basis of principles. ABOUT AUTHOR: That all our knowledge begins with experience there can be no doubt. For how is it possible that the faculty of cognition should be awakened into exercise otherwise than by means of objects which affect our senses, and partly of themselves produce representations, partly rouse our powers of understanding into activity, to compare to connect, or to separate these, and so to convert the raw material of our sensuous impressions into a knowledge of objects, which is called experience? In respect of time, therefore, no knowledge of ours is antecedent to experience, but begins with it. But, though all our knowledge begins with experience, it by no means follows that all arises out of experience. For, on the contrary, it is quite possible that our empirical knowledge is a compound of that which we receive through impressions, and that which the faculty of cognition supplies from itself (sensuous impressions giving merely the occasion), an addition which we cannot distinguish from the original element given by sense, till long practice has made us attentive to, and skilful in separating it. It is, therefore, a question which requires close investigation, and not to b

"Wilde è profetico sin dalle prima righe, quando denuncia la prevalenza dell’emozione sulla razionalità, male principe del nostro tempo, e poi del pietismo sull’emancipazione, male di tanta politica di pseudo sinistra" (dall'Introduzione di Alfredo Sgarlato). Wilde: ?perché la vita raggiunga la sua più elevata perfezione, ci vuole qualche cosa di più. Ciò che ci vuole è l'individualismo?, ?Utopia? Una carta geografica del mondo in cui non sia segnato il paese dell'Utopia, non varrebbe la pena d'essere guardata, perché vi mancherebbe il paese in cui l'Umanità atterra ogni giorno. Ma non appena v'è sbarcata, ella guarda più lontano, scorge una terra ancora più bella, e spiega di nuovo le vele. Progredire significa realizzare l'Utopia?. SOMMARIO: Introduzione (di Alfredo Sgarlato) - Postfazione. Breve biblio-nota ai testi e alla traduzione (di Fabrizio Pinna) - OSCAR WILDE Società e libertà: elogio dell'individualismo - APPENDICE I Oscar Wilde, Rapporti fra il socialismo e l'individualismo (di Luigi Fabbri, 1913) - APPENDICE II The Soul of Man under Socialism (1891). LA COLLANA IN/DEFINIZIONI

印光大师的智言慧语，示净土法门如何念佛修炼。此书是印光大师一生行谊的写照，对于如何修习念佛了生死，该书有切实的指导意义。

空理不但是将近八百卷般若经的精华，而且是大小显密佛学的核心和特质，同时也是人类智慧文化中至高的结晶品。佛教哲学中的空理，多彩多姿。作者在文学、哲学、科学各个不同角度，引领我们空的哲学世界。本书还收录有道安法师的其他精彩佛理研究文字。

本书系节录来果禅师（1881—1953年）语录中的解谤扶宗说、参禅普说、自行录等三卷。解谤扶宗说，一一破解宗、教、律、净相互争议的症结，令其能相容尊重。扶宗说以简明的一百则学禅的箴言，句句破心殷切，为后学大眼目，指迷津。参禅普说，以修道者常犯的毛病，如怕动、求静、怕苦事、无长远心、我慢等，抽丝剥茧作彻底的针砭。自行录，以来果禅师一生行履为主轴，文中有禅师的孝行，割肝疗治父疾和求法种种困厄的历程。 本书为门学禅者，先确立正见的方向（解谤扶宗说、参禅普说二章），后树立禅者大无畏的风格（自行录一章）。“语录”是启发性灵的一面镜子，只要对有所探索的人，此书必定是良师益友。

本书记录了神会与崇远法师就禅宗的是非邪正问题展辩论的经过，神会在辩论中批评神秀的大弟子普寂的禅法，指出惠能是得到传法袈裟的第六代祖师，禅宗历代祖师相传的只是单刀直、直了见性的顿悟法门，并强调般若波罗蜜是一切修行的根本。

　《图解楞严经：绚丽的佛法百科全书（白话图解）》与《法华经》《华严经》《金刚经》等并尊为“经中之王”，有“自从一读《楞严》后，不看人间糟粕书”等赞誉。它是一部“佛法百科全书”，更是一部指导人们修证的系统修炼手册。它还是佛教正法的代表，被历代高僧大德誉为统摄佛教经论的教海指南和禅宗正眼，很久以来就有“《楞严》兴，正法兴，《楞严》灭，正法灭”的悬记。 　　由于《楞严经》文字古奥、义理深邃，许多有心要精研《楞严经》的读者都不免要兴望洋之叹。为此，我们另辟蹊径出版了这本书。 　　《图解楞严经：绚丽的佛法百科全书（白话图解）》共分为五章，分别讲述了《楞严经》的方方面面，包括本经的地位、历史、争议、经题和译者等内容，其中以圆瑛大师的《楞严经讲义》为蓝本，综合各家的的注疏和讲解，精编成一篇篇通俗易懂的短文，同时，以60个系统结构表和严谨流程图，200幅精美绘图和佛像，用全新图解手法综合创意，使古老佛经焕发新鲜活力。

本书分两大部分，即禅话与净话。作者分别将佛门禅净的特色深地释义，并且以历代禅净兼修的大德为例证，破斥持门户之见者。书中以“念佛至一心不乱，便是禅定；参禅至彻见自性，即是净土”为立论的根据，写出了禅宗与净土宗同为佛教派别的异与同。

南怀瑾先生常谓：立国之本是文化。中华民族历经千年万载，文化渊远流长，在新世纪到来之初，世界瞬息万变，炎黄子孙又该何去何从？ 本书为南怀瑾先生于廿一世纪初应各方邀请之讲课记录，内容涉及广泛，但终不离文化之根本；除凸显众所关心之话题，更望能唤起读者对文化教育之重视。

本书集中了维特根斯坦从1930年重回剑桥从事哲学工作到1946年这段时间的主要思想精华，包含了他所处理的大部分哲学话题。 《哲学研究》主要是从语言角度手处理哲学问题的，这些杂驳的哲学问题包括：词语和命题的意义是什么？什么是理解和意谓？逻辑和语言的关系是什么？数学到底有没有基础？人的意识状态该如何得到表达？是否存在一种私人语言？意向性的本质是什么？…… 维特根斯坦以一种崭新的方式为这些古老的哲学问题给出了自己的解答，其紧张的思想分析和逼问创了一种名为“日常语言分析”的哲学派别。

　　施米特称，“德国问题”乃为“20世纪重大问题”之样板 　　立足新兴民族国家的政治处境，自编政论集，为现代性问题展思想斗争 ??? 　　《论断与概念》是施米特生前自编过的两部政论集之一，包含讲演、书评、法庭陈词等，涉及范围广泛，如公法、政治思想史、国际和国内政治，立足于德国作为新兴民族国家的政治处境。施米特从作为现代性问题的“德国问题”出发，纵横捭阖，针对国内政治思想的混乱，尤其针对帝国主义对德国的压迫，展了思想上的政治斗争。施米特称“德国问题”为“20世纪重大问题”的样板，此书对于中国学人思考“中国问题”应有诸多启发。

系统思考人类的精神活动，是汉娜·阿伦特晚年收官大作《心智生活》的旨意，遗憾的是，终篇“《判断》”未及展，阿伦特便辞别人世。本书汇编了阿伦特关于判断问题的核心文献，并对她在这一问题上的思考方向作出了解读。 如何摆脱生命的平庸和自由的虚无？ 以重建康德的政治哲学为口，阿伦特认为：只有作出判断，只有对公共世界里上演的事件运用我们独立的判断能力，世界对我们来说才具有意义。 政治地思索本身就是一种政治行动。

作者张汝伦先生在广泛阅读西方大家、名家解读《存在与时间》的诸多文本和专著基础上，用中国古人注疏经典的办法，逐节逐段解读，力图将这样一部晦涩、复杂的作品的文本意义和背后复杂的深意都揭示出来。

“轴心时代”是人类历史上光耀千古的时代，是人类伟大思想传统的发端，也是人类精神给养取之不尽、用之不竭的源泉。这个时代诞生了四大文明——中国的儒道思想、印度的印度教和佛教、以色列的一神教，以及希腊的哲学理性主义得以形成。“轴心时代”是真正群星璀璨的时代，是人类伟大精神导师集体亮相的时代——孔子、孟子、老子、庄子、释迦牟尼、苏格拉底、柏拉图、亚里士多德和犹太先知们，共同塑造了此后2000多年人类的心灵，实现了人类文明的“突破”和人性的整体飞跃。 面对史无前例的暴力，轴心时代的贤哲们认识到古老部落宗族伦理的局限，将关切扩展至所有造物，发现了可以将自我提升到超越个体和世界的内在根源，开始用理智、道德的方式面对世界。他们不约而同地发现了相同的“金规则”，即推己及人、关爱众生。孔子教导弟子“己所不欲，勿施于人”，印度教推崇守贞专奉，佛陀说“是故为自爱，勿以伤害他”，《圣经》中的首要诫命之一“爱人如己”，古希腊悲剧对同情和怜悯之心的呼唤，都是金规则的体现。人类形成了某种“深刻的互相理解”，“迈出走向普遍性的步伐”，这不是历史的巧合，而是“人性的本源的表现”。 本书按时间顺序追寻四个轴心民族的发展历程，以及这些突破性洞见如何酝酿、生根、发展、辉煌，并终在公元前3世纪末期渐次逝去。历史上，我们从未超越轴心时代的洞见，当历经精神和社会危机之时，往往回溯轴心思想以寻求引导。轴心时代的贤哲们在世界上不同地域生发出的一致见解，昭示了人类共同的精神追求。面对当代纷繁复杂的问题，我们亦有必要回溯轴心精神，诉诸人性的共同本源，寻求更深刻的相互理解。

　　《黑格尔黑格尔学述》收贺麟于1930年代编译的近代西方新黑格尔主义者的经典黑格尔研究——尔德的《黑格尔》与鲁一士的《黑格尔学述》，二书均能将黑格尔学说体会融化并以清晰流利的文字叙述出来，可谓姊妹关系，互相发明，互相弥补，而又各有所长。尔德注重叙述黑格尔的生活、性格、时代风气、文化背景，特别是政治和宗教背景，以及黑格尔的逻辑学说；鲁一士则着重阐述黑格尔之精神现象学。本书是将黑格尔及其学说译介至中国的人——贺麟对“黑格尔学”发生兴趣之始，贺麟以朱熹太极观会通黑格尔的“*理念”，对于中西比较哲学研究居功甚伟。作为贺麟重要译著收“全集”的《黑格尔》及《黑格尔学述》均为建国后首度整理出版，对于了解哲学家和翻译家贺麟意义非凡。

　　《黑格尔早期神学著作》（“贺麟全集”第八卷）是著名哲学家、翻译家贺麟的重要译著之一，以八十岁高龄自诺尔编黑格尔著《早期神学著作》的德文原版翻译而成，并参考诺克斯与克朗纳的英译本。本书也是身为译介黑格尔至中国人的贺麟先生，生前后一部黑格尔相关译著。其中收黑格尔著《民众宗教和基督教》《耶稣传》《基督教的权威性》《基督教的精神及其命运》及《1800年体系残篇》等五篇论文，是了解和研究黑格尔早期神学思想的手资料。

　　《精神现象学》为德国古典哲学大师黑格尔阐述其哲学观和方法论原则的部纲领性巨著。黑格尔自认此书为其哲学体系的导言。马克思誉《精神现象学》为“黑格尔哲学的真正起源和秘密”和“黑格尔哲学的圣经”。黑格尔通过此书提出，精神现象学是关于意识到达“*知识”或“科学”（即哲学）的道路的科学，它为个体提供了一把攀登*知识的“梯子”。中译本由贺麟、王玖兴合译，分上、下卷先后于1962年和1979年由商务印书馆出版。上卷1979年再版时曾修订译文，以与下卷译名统一，本次整理出版“贺麟全集”版，对勘再版所作修改，择其重要者，以编注形式留存上卷初版原貌。

　　在《迟到民族与激思想》中，作者以《德国思想的他者视角》篇，从著名学者卡尔·曼海姆、马丁·格莱芬哈根、库尔特·伦克的研究成果出发，考察了有关保守主义的不同定义，揭示了德国保守主义思想的发生语境，分析了德国保守主义的思想结构，发掘其背后隐藏的思想关联、社会关联，特别是政治关联，揭示出德国作为后发现代化国家的激思想；从宏观上勾画出德国保守主义的发展脉络。

　　本书破“两军对垒”和“人头列传式”的传统框架，按照中国哲学发展的本来面目貌，采取以学术思潮、流派及其代表人物所关心所争辩的哲学概念和命题为基本框架而编写，既简明扼要，又抓住哲学本质，是一部反映时代精神的“哲学问题史”。在内容上，将近年出土的简帛《老子》和郭店竹简的哲学思想，及时地纳这部论稿。在形式和内容上，都有所创新，具有较高的学术价值。  

以绝为基础，以统一为主体，以相对为支体，所形成的具有系统性的法则。把与相对、有限与无限、基础与发展统一起来，就会形成具有方向、方法、路线的法则。三元素组成了它的基本框架，圆丶原子是它的载体。这就是哲学的根本法则，哲学和道法、自然法则、宇宙大法是“同出而异名″。