在理智与疯狂之间，只有一道细细的红线，用这句美国谚语来形容二战中同盟国和法西斯的王牌部队，实在是恰当不过。对于“大德意志”师、第52战斗机联队和武装党卫队等五大装甲师来说，他们令人瞠目结舌的“战绩”就建立在累累白骨之上，想想达豪集中营中的亡魂，阿登森林中被虐杀的战俘和列宁格勒遍地的饿殍，类似于这样的“王牌”越多，和平就越发遥遥无期。对于皇家空军战斗机部队、第82空降师来说，他们的孤胆向前和并肩战斗则是为了和平之光的早日到来，他们中的每一个人都可以像、101空降师E连连长温斯特少校那样回答世人：“我不是大战中的英雄，但我和英雄们一起服役。”

五角大楼的战争狂人美国《时代》杂志独家披露美国五角大楼对伊作战计划的出台内幕，国防部长拉姆斯菲尔德的对伊战争蓝图是：特种部队和*的高科技武器……

蒋介石点点头说：“美国在东亚应该拟定和奉行一种摆脱老殖民主义影响的政策，否则失败是不可避免的。”叶公超说：“中美之间缔结一个条约，是在日本、韩国、菲律宾和*这四个直接有关的亚洲国家之间进行一种集体安排安全的先决条件。”威尔逊点头表示同意，随即说道：“根据目前台湾现状，我们向总统先生提个建议，能否全面自大陈、马祖、金门等外岛撤退，集中兵力防守台澎。我国政府认为，如果双方缔约，条约也只适用于台湾和澎湖地区，而不能包括其它地区。”那些年的台湾问题究竟是怎样的呢？

高射炮按运动方式分为牵引式和自行式高射炮。按口径分为小口径、中口径和大口径高射炮。口径小于60毫米的为小口径高射炮，60～100毫米的为中口径高射炮，超过100毫米的为大口径高射炮。小口径高射炮有的弹丸配用触发引信，靠直接命中毁伤目标；有的配用近炸引信，靠弹丸破片毁伤目标。大、中口径高射炮的弹丸配用时间引信和近炸引信，靠弹丸破片毁伤目标。20世纪60年代以后，有些国家用地空导弹逐步取代了大、中口径高射炮。但由于地空导弹在低空存在射击死区，小口径高射炮仍获得发展。

苏联是世界上个社会主义国家，苏联文学曾在世界文学史上代表着全世界无产阶级革命文学的成就。1949年新中国成立后的文学几乎可以说是照搬与移植了苏联文学的模式，甚至于执政党在领导文艺的格局上，几乎完全亲苏“一边倒”，在操作方式上，几乎完全相同，这难道也是历史的巧合与安排吗？我们不妨审视一下半个世纪前的历史史实。

我们缅怀一个伟人的丰功伟绩是指他为国为民所作出的杰出贡献，并非连他的错误也一起“缅怀”。伟人的功过是非曲直都应该一分为二、客观公正地评论，任何“原谅”和“宽容”（在某种程度上是“许可”或“包容”）或“责难”（这是不负责任的“站着说话不要疼”）均不能用来针对一个伟人而作出。伟人之所以成为“伟人”，他必然是那个时代的佼佼者，是历史唯物论中的时势造英雄，所谓“大浪淘沙、真金乃现”。换句话说：不能犯伟人所犯错误的人同样也不能创造出伟人那样的丰功伟绩。因此我们对于一个伟人的功过是非应该是通过不断的总结经验教训终“理解”这个错误并在适当的时期给予改正，而不是寄希望于“伟人”的“下次别在犯了”。陈毅元帅也说“是非功罪自有后人评说”。所以有的网友说的“作为一个人民高度信赖的，享有崇高威望的领袖，犯这么大的错有时是不可原谅的，人民原谅了他，是人民的宽容！”这根本是把伟人“神化”了的结果，是那个时代的单一思想在他们大脑中的遗传。

本书从政府职能转变与公共服务体系建设、政府职责体系构建与府际关系、政府职责体系构建与府际关系、机构改革与政府规模、政府治理方式变革与政府机制建设、地方政府创新、政府公共关系与应急管理等方面对2013年度政府发展概况进行总体描述与简要分析，总结2013年政府改革的基本情况、重点问题和主要成就，并说明2014年政府改革的重点领域，展望2015年政府改革方向。

　　《为什么要坚持马克思主义》主要从马克思主义是科学的思想理论体系、是改变世界的强大力量、是社会主义的旗帜和灵魂、是中国特色社会主义的源泉等方面，论述了坚持以马克思主义为指导的原因，也从推进马克思主义中国化、认清反马克思主义的思潮、建设社会主义核心价值体系、加强社会主义意识形态建设等方面，说明了如何坚持以马克思主义为指导，后，从整体上强调了坚持以马克思主义为指导必须努力掌握和运用马克思主义立场、观点、方法。

　　本书选取国际政治、经济、文化等方面热门的若干个问题，深入浅出地进行阐释和回答，用通俗易懂的语言，将每一个国际热点问题的来龙去脉说清楚，讲透彻。每个主题按问题的起源、问题演变的历史、问题的现状、解决思路或未来展望等结构进行编写。

　　本书从犯罪构成要件证明困难的角度讨论刑事推定问题，对事实推定、法律推定、法律推定与刑事证明的关系、推定的规制、刑事推定的理论障碍、证明困难解决体系视野下的刑事推定等问题进行描述和解释，对事实推定是否存在、如何规制推定的设置和运用、犯罪构成要件证明困难的解决方式等实践和理论难题进行讨论和回应。《刑事推定的基本理论：以中国问题为中心的理论阐释》运用社会科学研究方法，从中国司法实践中的问题出发，注重描述和解释问题，以提出具有普遍解释力的理论为目标，推进理论创新、指导实践。《刑事推定的基本理论：以中国问题为中心的理论阐释》注重交叉学科的研究思路，试图通过刑事推定这一小问题展现法学研究的大视野，在刑事实体法、程序法和证据法之间架起沟通的桥梁，推进刑事法律的一体化研究。

　可持续发展是永恒的历史课题。本书关注在新型城镇化背景下，北京市在完成了总体小康社会目标之后的后小康社会，如何完成包括外来常住人口在内的全面小康社会的建设目标。本书选取以人为本的研究视角，从总体上研究后小康社会可持续发展的基本概念、研究轨迹和指标体系，并以北京市为研究对象，分别从产业效率、城乡一体化、流动人口市民化、低碳首都等视角研究产业、空间、社会、环境的可持续发展，从后小康社会可持续发展的角度对北京市现有政策体系进行评价，并提出完善政策体系的相关建议。

《和平发展(大国的责任)/全面建设小康社会系 列丛书》编著者金灿荣。 随着经济的持续快速增长及综合国力的不断提高，中国承担 “大国责任”具有必然性与时代性，一 定程度上体现着国际格局的发展趋势及走向。三十多 年的发展实践充分证明，作为一个新兴崛起的经济政治实体，中国正在履行国际责任并且将以更大的力度 和深度参与国际体系，为国际社会建设持续贡献正能 量。 《和平发展(大国的责任)/全面建设小康社会系 列丛书》围绕“和平发展与大国责任”这一主题，深 入地阐释了中国所扮演的国际角色、承担的国际责任 、发挥的作用，从维护世界和平、促进共同发展方面 ，详细介绍了中国在承担国际责任方面的成就， 全 面展现了中国作为一个负责任大国的风范和作为。

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

《中国历史的教训》（全新修订精装版），是一本以人物故事为主线、以廉政思想为内核的中国历史通俗读物，也是一本由纪检监察干部倾注心血、联系反腐败斗争的实际而写就的读史感悟。 作者习骅在“反腐一线”工作多年，全书收录了他创作于2012年—2014年，并发表在《中国纪检监察报》等多家媒体上的24篇“说古道今”的文章，以轻松的笔调通过众多令人嗟叹与沉思的人物故事，来讲述历史风云变幻中的不变正道。作者巧妙地从古今历史，特别是明清治国、吏治等历史典故中寻求成败教训、总结得失经验。从关注“四风”问题的《朱元璋为何暴茹太素》到透析“官商勾结”的《张之洞借钱》，从探索“总关”问题的《高级干部的低级错误》到聚焦作风建设的《作风建设与历史周期律》……这些文章紧跟十八大以来党中央“虎拍蝇”的节拍，精选案例，精讲故事，精析道理，成为学习领会新一届党中央治理腐败的坚定决心和高超战略的鲜活教材，是党员干部一步转变作风，守纪律讲规矩，做好各项工作的有益参考。 《中国历史的教训》（全新修订精装版），整体行全新修订，增加了多篇附录文章，有趣、有料，叙事流畅生动，见解独到深刻，传递廉政新思维正能量。

大国仪兵

经过40年的发展，中国特色社会主义理论成为一个内容丰富、结构完整、系统科学的体系。为了整体呈现其发展历程和理论深度，本书在结构上创新性地采取了纵向研究与横向研究相结合的方式。首先，揭示科学内涵。说明了中国特色社会主义理论体系的基本内涵和重要特质，概括了它的思想精髓、理论主题、核心问题，并着重分析其历史地位和重要影响。其次，行纵向研究。分析了中国特色社会主义理论体系的孕育阶段、奠基阶段、丰富阶段、形成阶段、新发展阶段在理论体系形成中的重要地位和重大影响，同时梳理了各个阶段理论创新的历史脉络和发展程。*后，展横向研究。分析了坚持和发展中国特色社会主义的总任务、发展阶段、根本动力、总体布局、依靠力量、祖国统一、内部保障、外部条件和领导力量等关键问题，说明了中国共产党如何坚持科学社会主义基本原则、结合中国国情构建了科学的理论体系，中国特色社会主义理论体系为什么是放的、发展的等问题。

坚持以人民为中心，转变政府职能，深化简政放权，创新监管方式，增强政府公信力和执行力，建设人民满意的服务型政府，是新时代中国行政改革的目标。有麻宝斌教授领衔撰著的《当代中国行政改革》一书系统阐释了改革放以来中国行政改革的发展路径和发展方向。全书首先简要介绍了中国行政体制的历史沿革、理论基础、特征、环境等内容，并概述了改革放以来中国行的八次行政体制改革；而从政府组织机构改革、干部人事制度改革、法治政府建设、服务型政府建设、政府效能提高等角度，重分析了历次行政体制改革的背景、改革所取得的成效和还存在的不足之处；*后，从职能转变、大部门体制改革、行政层级与行政区划、依法行政、公共服务五个方面，展望了中国行政改革的未来发展趋势。

本书聚焦社会主义核心价值观的话语构建与传播中的话语创新，从中华民族的复兴与社会主义核心价值观、构建反映时代变化发展的话语体系、对外文化和价值观传播中的话语创新、基于人类命运共同体新理念的中国外交价值观四个方面，深阐释和回答在社会主义核心价值观与文化传播中，如何创新话语体系，构建反映时代发展变化的话语体系；如何立足中国传统文化，推动话语方式创新；如何在网络和新媒体时代加强价值观传播，把握好话语策略；如何在跨文化视域中阐释中国道路、中国理论、中国制度、中国文化，增国际社会对中国发展程的理解。