2018年中国迎来改革放40周年，这是总结经验、继续深化改革放的重要时机。本书从历史、成就和经验等多个维度，对改革放的伟大局面行立体式呈现，全面展现改革放40年历程尤其是党的十八以来的新成就，全面回答“为什么说改革放伟大”这个重大问题。本书深贯彻总书记关于全面深化改革的讲话精神，充分展示了改革放40年的伟大成就，深刻认识了改革放是决定当代中国命运的关键一招，是新时期全面解读改革放的重要著作。

《异见时刻》是美国联邦蕞高法院大法官鲁思·巴德·金斯伯格的图文传记。 鲁思·巴德·金斯伯格（Ruth Bader Ginsburg）于1993年由民主党总统比尔·克林顿提名为大法官。是继桑德拉·戴·欧康纳之后美国联邦*法院第二位女性大法官，亦是犹太女性大法官。金斯伯格的一生致力于女性权利的争取、维护与保障。 “声名狼藉的金斯伯格”（Notorious R.B.G.）是粉丝们对这位女大法官的爱称，模仿的是美国知名说唱歌手克里斯托弗·华莱士（Christopher Wallace）的别称。 书中内容一部分是传记，一部分是画集，还有一部分是金斯伯格的案件记录。通过穿插采访、插图、网络热词等素材，对金斯伯格的一生行了精彩回溯。 本书获得《纽约时报》、《波士顿环球报》、《时尚》、美国公民自由联盟（ACLU）书评推荐，获得《九人》作者杰弗里·图宾、知名法政译者何帆推荐。?

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

This eBook features the unabridged text of ‘Adam Bede by George Eliot - Delphi Classics (Illustrated)’ from the bestselling edition of ‘The Complete Works of George Eliot’. Having established their name as the leading publisher of classic literature and art, Delphi Classics produce publications that are individually crafted with superior formatting, while introducing many rare texts for the first time in digital print. The Delphi Classics edition of Eliot includes original annotations and illustrations relating to the life and works of the author, as well as individual tables of contents, allowing you to navigate eBooks quickly and easily. eBook features: * The complete unabridged text of ‘Adam Bede by George Eliot - Delphi Classics (Illustrated)’ * Beautifully illustrated with images related to Eliot’s works * Individual contents table, allowing easy navigation around the eBook * Excellent formatting of the text Please visit www.delphiclassics.com to learn more about our wide range of titles

This eBook features the unabridged text of ‘The Mill on the Floss by George Eliot - Delphi Classics (Illustrated)’ from the bestselling edition of ‘The Complete Works of George Eliot’. Having established their name as the leading publisher of classic literature and art, Delphi Classics produce publications that are individually crafted with superior formatting, while introducing many rare texts for the first time in digital print. The Delphi Classics edition of Eliot includes original annotations and illustrations relating to the life and works of the author, as well as individual tables of contents, allowing you to navigate eBooks quickly and easily. eBook features: * The complete unabridged text of ‘The Mill on the Floss by George Eliot - Delphi Classics (Illustrated)’ * Beautifully illustrated with images related to Eliot’s works * Individual contents table, allowing easy navigation around the eBook * Excellent formatting of the text Please visit www.delphiclassics.com to learn more about our wide range of titles

Alexei Ivanovich Velchaninov is a land owner who stays in Saint Petersburg for a trial about a piece of land. He receives a visit from Pavel Pavlovich Trusotsky, an old acquaintance who recently became a widower. Velchaninov had an affair with Trusotsky's wife Natalia, and he realizes that he is the biological father of Liza, Trusotsky's eight year old daughter. Velchaninov, who doesn't want Liza to be raised by an alcoholic, brings Liza to a foster family. The novel ranks among his best works because of its style and structure. Alfred Bem described it as one of the most complete works by Dostoyevsky in regards to its composition and development.

A librarian in a small town is asked to play the part of a medieval king. He not only takes his role seriously by thoroughly researching the Middle Ages, when the play is concluded, he refuses to take off the costume. He remains in character, much to the surprise of the other actors.

Such an expression of unhappiness was enough by itself to make one's eyes slide above the paper's edge to the poor woman’s face—insignificant without that look, almost a symbol of human destiny with it. Life's what you see in people's eyes; life's what they learn, and, having learnt it, never, though they seek to hide it, cease to be aware of—what? That life's like that, it seems. Five faces opposite—five mature faces—and the knowledge in each face. Strange, though, how people want to conceal it! Marks of reticence are on all those faces: lips shut, eyes shaded, each one of the five doing something to hide or stultify his knowledge. One smokes; another reads; a third checks entries in a pocket book; a fourth stares at the map of the line framed opposite; and the fifth—the terrible thing about the fifth is that she does nothing at all.

《社会契约论》是西方政治文化传统的重要组成部分，它不但源远流长，而且已经完全融入了西方思想文化的血液，成为西方政治思想中一个历久弥新的源泉（晚近西方社会政治哲学以契约论的形式复兴就是一个明证）。书中主要讨论了国家与人民、国家与法律、自由与平等、国家与社会等问题。《论人类不平等的起源》被誉为法国大革命的灵魂。在本书中，卢梭指出人类每向前发展一步，不平等的程度就加深一步。本书阐发了卢梭的政治哲学思想，为《社会契约论》奠定了基础，同时也是他整个政治学说的导言。

本书是十七世纪英国思想家洛克的重要政治理论著作。其基本精神在于对政府职能、政府与社会的关系、政府与公民的关系等当时急需解决的问题提供基础答案。

《论自由》主要从三方面论述了公民的自由权利：一是论思想自由和言论自由；二是论个性自由；三是论社会对个人自由的限制。本书被广泛认为是自由主义理论的集大成之作，被高度评价为“对个人自由动人心弦，强有力的辩护”。《代议制政府》是密尔政治学说的另一部代表作，是其多年致力于议会改革而形成的政治观点和实际建议系统化的结晶。这部有关议会民主制的经典著作，特点不在于论述政治理论的抽象原则，而在于论证了有关代议制政府的各种问题，这对英国和其他欧美各国政府制度的进一步完善具有重大影响。

“日本大败局”系列，还原了在第二次世界大战中，日军与苏军、美军作战的全程。记录了那些深刻影响了“二战”命运和世界格局的生死相搏！这也是一部关于现代战争的启示录，对当今仍有实际观照意义。 瓜岛战役是“太平洋上的斯大林格勒战役”，美军凭借瓜岛战役夺取了太平洋战争的战略主动权，从此便出现了美攻日守的总趋势。瓜岛战役让太平洋战争发生了根本性转折，而该战役的惨烈战况也成为无数老兵心中挥之不去的梦魇。 《日本大败局3：瓜岛浴血》以极其详尽的史料（包括参战老兵的回忆资料），还原了瓜岛战役如火如荼真实战况，对交战双方战略部署、高层权力博弈、战役指挥以及指挥官及士兵素养、情报运用、武器配置、战技术的革新、基层官兵的战场视角等细节行了精彩的解读和对比，并配以百幅珍贵历史图片，将读者带硝烟弥漫的太平洋战场。

“日本大败局”系列，还原了在第二次世界大战中，日军与苏军、美军作战的全程。记录了那些深刻影响了“二战”命运的生死相搏！ 关东军，一个臭名昭著的名字。在“九一八”冒险军事行动中，这支部队吃尽了甜头，也由此被视作日本陆军的精锐，所谓“皇军之花”。但是在“二战”前夕，关东军在与苏联红军的战役对决中，却暴露了自身的严重缺陷，乃至到“二战”后期被苏联红军犁庭扫穴完全溃。而苏联红军和关东军的对决，也深刻影响了“二战”的走向。 本书首次将关东军与苏联红军的历次战役行了全景式描写，对双方战役指挥、指挥官及士兵素质、情报运用、武器配置及国家层面的战略部署等方面行了深的解读和对比，并配以近百幅珍贵历史图片，将人们真实带那硝烟弥漫的二战战场。 “日本大败局”系列 《当关东军遇上苏联红军》 《激战中途岛》 《瓜岛浴血》 《干掉山本五十六》 《占领东京》 

“日本大败局”系列，还原了在第二次世界大战中，日军与苏军、美军作战的全程。记录了那些深刻影响了“二战”命运和世界格局的生死相搏！这也是一部关于现代战争的启示录，对当今仍有实际观照意义。 《日本大败局4：干掉山本五十六》以极其详尽的史料（包括参战老兵的回忆资料），解读了阿图岛登陆战、布干维尔岛战役、吉尔伯特群岛战役、马绍尔群岛战役、马里亚纳群岛战役、新几内亚战役、贝里琉岛登陆战、菲律宾战役等太平洋战场经典战役。对截杀山本五十六的周密布置，麦克阿瑟重返菲律宾实现复仇大计的心路历程有着浓墨重彩的描写。 对交战双方战略部署、高层权力博弈、战役指挥以及指挥官及士兵素养、情报运用、武器配置、战技术的革新、基层官兵的战场视角等细节行了精彩的解读和对比，如对麦克阿瑟“蛙跳战术”的详解、第五十八特混舰队豪气装备、赫赫有名的陆战一师战术风格解读。并配以百幅珍贵历史图片，将读者带硝烟弥漫的太平洋战场。

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

A historical play by William Shakespeare describing the life and death of Richard III. The play begins with Richard describing the accession to the throne of his brother, King Edward IV of England, eldest son of the late Richard, Duke of York. Richard plots to have his brother Clarence, who stands before him in the line of succession, conducted to the Tower of London over a prophecy he bribed a soothsayer to finagle the suspicious King with.

Get More from your Network with Automation tools to increase its effectiveness. About This Book Get started with network automation (and different automation tasks) with relevant use cases Apply software design principles such as Continuous Integration and DevOps to your network toolkit Guides you through some best practices in automation Who This Book Is For If you are a network engineer looking for an extensive guide to help you automate and manage your network efficiently, then this book is for you. What You Will Learn Get the detailed analysis of Network automation Trigger automations through available data factors Improve data center robustness and security through specific access and data digging Get an Access to APIs from Excel for dynamic reporting Set up a communication with SSH-based devices using netmiko Make full use of practical use cases and best practices to get accustomed with the various aspects of network automation In Detail Network automation is the use of IT controls to supervise and carry out every-day network management functions. It plays a key role in network virtualization technologies and network functions. The book starts by providing an introduction to network automation, SDN, and its applications, which include integrating DevOps tools to automate the network efficiently. It then guides you through different network automation tasks and covers various data digging and reporting methodologies such as IPv6 migration, DC relocations, and interface parsing, all the while retaining security and improving data center robustness. The book then moves on to the use of Python and the management of SSH keys for machine-to-machine (M2M) communication, all followed by practical use cases. The book also covers the importance of Ansible for network automation including best practices in automation, ways to test automated networks using different tools, and other important techniques. By the end of the book, you will be well acquainted with the various aspects of network automation. Style and approach A clear, concise, and straightforward book that will enable you to automate networks and improve performance.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.