本书选取国际政治、经济、文化等方面热门的若干个问题，深入浅出地进行阐释和回答，用通俗易懂的语言，将每一个国际热点问题的来龙去脉说清楚，讲透彻。每个主题按问题的起源、问题演变的历史、问题的现状、解决思路或未来展望等结构进行编写。

　　本书从犯罪构成要件证明困难的角度讨论刑事推定问题，对事实推定、法律推定、法律推定与刑事证明的关系、推定的规制、刑事推定的理论障碍、证明困难解决体系视野下的刑事推定等问题进行描述和解释，对事实推定是否存在、如何规制推定的设置和运用、犯罪构成要件证明困难的解决方式等实践和理论难题进行讨论和回应。《刑事推定的基本理论：以中国问题为中心的理论阐释》运用社会科学研究方法，从中国司法实践中的问题出发，注重描述和解释问题，以提出具有普遍解释力的理论为目标，推进理论创新、指导实践。《刑事推定的基本理论：以中国问题为中心的理论阐释》注重交叉学科的研究思路，试图通过刑事推定这一小问题展现法学研究的大视野，在刑事实体法、程序法和证据法之间架起沟通的桥梁，推进刑事法律的一体化研究。

　可持续发展是永恒的历史课题。本书关注在新型城镇化背景下，北京市在完成了总体小康社会目标之后的后小康社会，如何完成包括外来常住人口在内的全面小康社会的建设目标。本书选取以人为本的研究视角，从总体上研究后小康社会可持续发展的基本概念、研究轨迹和指标体系，并以北京市为研究对象，分别从产业效率、城乡一体化、流动人口市民化、低碳首都等视角研究产业、空间、社会、环境的可持续发展，从后小康社会可持续发展的角度对北京市现有政策体系进行评价，并提出完善政策体系的相关建议。

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

本书聚焦社会主义核心价值观的话语构建与传播中的话语创新，从中华民族的复兴与社会主义核心价值观、构建反映时代变化发展的话语体系、对外文化和价值观传播中的话语创新、基于人类命运共同体新理念的中国外交价值观四个方面，深阐释和回答在社会主义核心价值观与文化传播中，如何创新话语体系，构建反映时代发展变化的话语体系；如何立足中国传统文化，推动话语方式创新；如何在网络和新媒体时代加强价值观传播，把握好话语策略；如何在跨文化视域中阐释中国道路、中国理论、中国制度、中国文化，增国际社会对中国发展程的理解。

本书基于中国商品房小区数量快速增加、业主与物业企业之间矛盾频发的客观状况，对小区治理特别是业主自治，进行了有效的探索和研究。作者通过大量事例与数据，对中国各城市的小区治理情况进行全景式展示，探索小区治理的创新典型案例，弥补现有的政策创新空白。同时，全书在分析总结小区治理的现状、现存焦点问题及实践经验的基础上，梳理小区治理的政策法律变迁，力图呈现中国小区治理的整体面貌和变迁轨迹，并对小区治理的发展提供切实可行的建议。

经过40年的发展，中国特色社会主义理论成为一个内容丰富、结构完整、系统科学的体系。为了整体呈现其发展历程和理论深度，本书在结构上创新性地采取了纵向研究与横向研究相结合的方式。首先，揭示科学内涵。说明了中国特色社会主义理论体系的基本内涵和重要特质，概括了它的思想精髓、理论主题、核心问题，并着重分析其历史地位和重要影响。其次，行纵向研究。分析了中国特色社会主义理论体系的孕育阶段、奠基阶段、丰富阶段、形成阶段、新发展阶段在理论体系形成中的重要地位和重大影响，同时梳理了各个阶段理论创新的历史脉络和发展程。*后，展横向研究。分析了坚持和发展中国特色社会主义的总任务、发展阶段、根本动力、总体布局、依靠力量、祖国统一、内部保障、外部条件和领导力量等关键问题，说明了中国共产党如何坚持科学社会主义基本原则、结合中国国情构建了科学的理论体系，中国特色社会主义理论体系为什么是放的、发展的等问题。

坚持以人民为中心，转变政府职能，深化简政放权，创新监管方式，增强政府公信力和执行力，建设人民满意的服务型政府，是新时代中国行政改革的目标。有麻宝斌教授领衔撰著的《当代中国行政改革》一书系统阐释了改革放以来中国行政改革的发展路径和发展方向。全书首先简要介绍了中国行政体制的历史沿革、理论基础、特征、环境等内容，并概述了改革放以来中国行的八次行政体制改革；而从政府组织机构改革、干部人事制度改革、法治政府建设、服务型政府建设、政府效能提高等角度，重分析了历次行政体制改革的背景、改革所取得的成效和还存在的不足之处；*后，从职能转变、大部门体制改革、行政层级与行政区划、依法行政、公共服务五个方面，展望了中国行政改革的未来发展趋势。

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

郑绍保编著的《基层党组织工作怎么做(依据党的十八大文件精神组织修订)》采用篇章结构，以一问一答的形式，依据党内有关法规原文，权威翔实地解答了基层党务工作者在党的基层组织建设、换届选举、发展党员、党员教育管理及其他工作中可能遇到的问题，对基层党组织工作实践具有很强的针对性和指导性，是各级地方政府和党员干部落实党建工作责任制，全面推进各领域基层党建工作，扩大党组织和党的工作覆盖面，充分发挥推动发展、服务群众、凝聚人心、促进和谐作用的读物。

本书针对当前地方政府治理的现实需求和公共管理专业研究生教育的教学需要，结合国内外相关研究成果，以专题的形式论述地方政府治理的重点和热点问题。全书共八个专题三十二章：专题一概述地方政府治理的基本知识和理论，专题二和专题三从西方国家行政改革进程及我国政府治理模式演进两个维度探寻地方政府治理的理论根源及发展脉络，专题四分析当前我国国家战略视域下的地方政府治理，专题五和专题六对地方政府法治化改革和地方政府治理改革分别进行分析，专题七和专题八对当前我国地方政府改革创新的治理模式——网络化治理和政府购买公共服务进行介绍，分析我国地方政府治理未来改革与发展的趋势。本书可供高等院校公共管理及相关专业硕士研究生、博士研究生和相关研究人员作为教材或参考书，也可供政府工作人员和社会组织相关人员参阅。 本书封面贴有清华大学出版社防伪标签，无标签者不得销售。

　　中国未来政治发展的主要问题并不是要不要民主，而是要什么样的民主和如何能够在逐步提高民主程度的同时避免不必要的社会纷争与冲突，提升社会的和谐治理水平。本书尝试运用中国传统的和合思想、民本思想与国际现代合作博弈论视角，明确提出真正有中国文化特色的社会主义民主新概念模式——合和式民主。这一模式既是对过于强调个体权利的西方自由式民主的超越，也是对以往过于强调集中权威作用的传统社会主义民主模式的革新与发展。本书对这一民主模式的理论根源与实践发展都进行了一定的梳理，也对它在历史与现实中的一些案例进行了深度分析，还对中国合和式民主未来发展的顶层设计进行了初步的战略性思考。

　　本书紧扣党的十八大、十八届二中三中全会精神，《中国共产党发展党员工作细则》《关于加强新形势下发展党员和党员管理工作的意见》等相关文件的*要求，充分结合中国梦、培养和践行社会主义核心价值观等*内容，以加强基层党组织建设、培养和发展合格的共产党员为目的，从党的崇高理想、性质、基本理论、宗旨、纲领路线、纪律、入党条件等七个方面进行了具体阐述。书后附了党章、《中国共产党发展党员工作细则》、入党常用文书写法及范文等实用资料。该书理论阐述通俗易懂，程序清晰操作性强，是入党积极分子培训难得的参考书籍，也是基层党支部的党建教材。

综合国内外*研究成果和*解密史料，在有关专家和部门指导下，以第二次世界大战的历史进程为线索，贯穿主要历史时期、主要战场、著名战争、风云人物和秘密事件等，纵横捭阖地全景式展现第二次世界大战，气势磅礴，图文并茂，非常具有历史性、史料性、权威性和真实性，非常具有阅读和收藏价值。

自1949年10月1日中华人民共和国成立至今，新中同已走过了129年的风雨历程。历史是一面镜子，我们可以从多视角、多侧面对其进行解读。然而有一点是可以肯定的，那就是，半个多世纪以来，在中国共产党的领导下，中国的政治、经济、军事、外交、文化、教育、科技、社会、民生等领域，都发生了深刻的变化，中国人民站起来了，中华民族已屹立于世界民族之林。