中国早在20世纪80年代就出现了对应用哲学的关注，但基本限定在马克思主义哲学体系之下，主要问题意识是将马克思主义哲学的实践观和唯物认识论应用于其他社会科学乃至自然科学领域。这奠定了今日主要应用哲学分支（例如经济哲学、教育哲学、管理哲学等）的基本学科结构，但已经远远不能适应今天突飞猛的现实。我们将从当代中国哲学创新、构建大哲学的视角审定应用哲学的定位、学科属性，回答当代中国哲学发展的重大问题，提出未来前行的可能路径。

This eBook features the unabridged text of ‘Adam Bede by George Eliot - Delphi Classics (Illustrated)’ from the bestselling edition of ‘The Complete Works of George Eliot’. Having established their name as the leading publisher of classic literature and art, Delphi Classics produce publications that are individually crafted with superior formatting, while introducing many rare texts for the first time in digital print. The Delphi Classics edition of Eliot includes original annotations and illustrations relating to the life and works of the author, as well as individual tables of contents, allowing you to navigate eBooks quickly and easily. eBook features: * The complete unabridged text of ‘Adam Bede by George Eliot - Delphi Classics (Illustrated)’ * Beautifully illustrated with images related to Eliot’s works * Individual contents table, allowing easy navigation around the eBook * Excellent formatting of the text Please visit www.delphiclassics.com to learn more about our wide range of titles

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

本书共有十九讲，涵盖党支部的功能定位、设置、工作机制及组织生活，党员的发展、教育、管理、监督、服务工作，党支部的选举、思想政治、群众、统战、纪律检查等工作，还包括党支部书记的选拔、培训、素质、能力、工作方法和领导艺术、党性修养等内容，并收录党支部工作常用文体。基层党支部书记工作有关内容均被囊括在内，为基层党务工作指明了前方向，是一本不可多得的党支部工作权威读物。

本书采用篇章结构，以一问一答的形式，依据党和国家*文件精神，权威翔实地解答了基层党务工作者在党的基层组织建设、换届选举、发展党员、党员教育管理监督及其他工作中可能遇到的问题，对基层党组织工作实践具有很强的针对性和指导性，是各级地方政府和党员干部落实党建工作责任制，全面推各领域基层党建工作，扩大党组织和党的工作覆盖面，充分发挥宣传党的主张、贯彻党的决定、领导基层治理、团结动员群众、推动改革发展的读物。

党的十九届四中全会审议通过的《中共中央关于坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度、推国家治理体系和治理能力现代化若干重大问题的决定》，全面回答了在我国国家制度和国家治理上应该“坚持和巩固什么，完善和发展什么”这个重大政治问题，标志着我们党对巩固发展社会主义制度的规律性认识达到了新高度，标志着“中国之治”创新境界。 什么是中国之治？向着国家治理现代化奋，中国还将面对怎样的挑战？为什么说中国之治，可以为中国政治稳定、经济发展、文化繁荣、民族团结、社会安宁、国家统一提供着有力保障？本书全面梳理了治理的由来、什么是中国特色的国家治理体系、如何推中国国家治理体系和治理能力现代化等问题，使广大读者全面、深地了解“中国之治”。

《写给青少年的党史》丛书是一套面向新时代少年儿童的有温度、有厚度、有力度、有态度、多角度的党史学习教育读本。该丛书由国内著名党史专家邵维正教授领衔并担纲主编，中央党校、国防大学的多位专家组成创作团队，中国史学会会长李捷、中国中共党史学会副会长张启华担任学术顾问。 丛书紧紧围绕“中华民族是怎样站起来、富起来、强起来的”这一主旨，突破传统的章、节、目框架结构，以问答形式展论述，梳理归纳了当代青少年*为关注的60个问题，突出重、难、热、亮，按党史发展脉络分编成6卷，依次为《中国有了共产党》《红色星火燎原》《战火中成长》《中国人民站起来了》《春天的故事》《筑梦新时代》。每卷既独立成书，连贯起来又构成一个整体，能够系统地反映中国共产党历史的概貌。每个问题后设有“名言金句”“读党史长智慧”栏目，以帮助青少年更好地掌握主要内容和精髓启示，引发思考，从中受益。 在叙述方式和语言风格方面，丛书努力贴近少年儿童的阅读习惯和受程度，力求以生动形象的党史故事作为切，由小到大，由浅深，讲清来龙去脉，剖析前因后果，引发思考共鸣，达到以情感人、以理服人。在版式上，坚持图文并茂，强化视觉冲，增强可读性、趣味性。

《国家功勋相册》以极具典型性的精彩故事和240余幅珍贵照片相结合的形式，呈现了40位国家勋章和国家荣誉称号获得者的获奖仪式和精彩人生片段。全书语言凝练、图片珍稀，多方位、立体化地展现了功勋模范人物为新中国建设和发展作出的卓越贡献，读来鼓舞人心、催人奋。 本书为宣传功勋模范人物的卓越功绩和先事迹，弘扬民族精神和时代精神，推动在全社会形成崇尚英雄、学习典型的浓厚氛围，又画上了浓墨重彩的一笔，能够很好地激励广大党员、干部、群众特别是青少年为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦不懈奋斗。

好说推荐，值得阅读

好说推荐，值得阅读

党员教育管理是党的建设基础性经常性工作。本书根据《中国共产党党员教育管理工作条例》组织编写，对党员教育管理工作做了系统全面的介绍，包括加强党员教育管理工作的总体要求、学习贯彻习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想、党员教育基本任务、党员日常教育管理主要方式、党籍和党员组织关系管理、党员监督和组织处置、流动党员管理、党员教育管理信息化、组织领导和工作保障等九个方面，内容详尽全面，具有较强的工作指导性、操作性和实用性，是一本基层党务工作者案头的工具书，也是党员干部参加“三会一课”等组织生活的参考书。

内容简介 高校大学生作为国家重要的人才资源，做好高校党员发展工作具有重大意义。本书共八章，分别从党史、党情、发展党员规程、端正党动机等方面对高校大学生党前后的一系列工作行了展性的论述。作为一本创新与严谨兼具的党培训教材，本书在编写过程中参考借鉴并引用了一些权威媒体的资料、数据、图表，内容权威丰富，版式简约大方。可以说，本书不仅能够帮助广大学生党员更好地了解党史党情、一步端正党动机，而且可以助力高校党务工作者更加规范地完成党员发展和培训工作。

　　明清时期，数以千计的年轻女子抗拒父母的权威，终生忠贞于她们的未婚夫，很多以寡妇的身份终其一生，有的为未婚夫自杀殉死。贞女现象引发了中国历史上关于礼与女德的激烈、持久的意识形态争论。《海外中国研究丛书·矢志不渝：明清时期的贞女现象》旨在对贞女现象作一历史描述，并探讨赋予其意义的、反过来又被它所影响的明清社会和文化。通过勾勒贞女现象之形成、发展轨迹以及国家和社会对它的反应，本书试图对贞女现象与帝国晚期的政治、文化、思想变迁的关系达成较全面的了解，并通过判析围绕着贞女现象的矛盾冲突，揭示年轻女子与其家庭和社会之间的关系。《海外中国研究丛书·矢志不渝：明清时期的贞女现象》根本的目的在于探索贞女的情感、理想和生活历程，并由此解释是什么影响了这一时期年轻女性的性别身份，以及她们如何看待和表达尊严、责任、爱情。

《孙子兵法》是中国古代兵家和兵学的代表作，也是中国优秀传统文化的重要组成部分。本书简明扼要地介绍了《孙子兵法》的学术地位和特，系统而精练地评述了《孙子兵法》十三篇中所包含的丰富、深刻内容，认为一部《孙子兵法》是由“国家战略：国君的‘大战争’指导艺术”“军事战略：统兵之将的作战指导艺术”和“战术专题”三大部分组成的，从而，基本上揭示了这部世界上*早产生的战争和战略名著的理论真相。本书适合对战略问题和军事理论感兴趣的读者阅读。

重视优势，发掘优势，运用优势，顺势而为，是中国共产党人的优良传统。本书共十三章，紧扣党的*文件精神，坚持以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指导，解析“中国之治”的制度密码，阐述了中国特色社会主义制度十三个方面的显著优势，以期读懂中国优势，用好中国优势。

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)