This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

A librarian in a small town is asked to play the part of a medieval king. He not only takes his role seriously by thoroughly researching the Middle Ages, when the play is concluded, he refuses to take off the costume. He remains in character, much to the surprise of the other actors.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《决策之前》系智库版刊载的一些服务省委决策的重大主题策划以及各省级高端智库与重培育智库的重要文章的合集。

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

《中国历史的教训》（全新修订精装版），是一本以人物故事为主线、以廉政思想为内核的中国历史通俗读物，也是一本由纪检监察干部倾注心血、联系反腐败斗争的实际而写就的读史感悟。 作者习骅在“反腐一线”工作多年，全书收录了他创作于2012年—2014年，并发表在《中国纪检监察报》等多家媒体上的24篇“说古道今”的文章，以轻松的笔调通过众多令人嗟叹与沉思的人物故事，来讲述历史风云变幻中的不变正道。作者巧妙地从古今历史，特别是明清治国、吏治等历史典故中寻求成败教训、总结得失经验。从关注“四风”问题的《朱元璋为何暴茹太素》到透析“官商勾结”的《张之洞借钱》，从探索“总关”问题的《高级干部的低级错误》到聚焦作风建设的《作风建设与历史周期律》……这些文章紧跟十八大以来党中央“虎拍蝇”的节拍，精选案例，精讲故事，精析道理，成为学习领会新一届党中央治理腐败的坚定决心和高超战略的鲜活教材，是党员干部一步转变作风，守纪律讲规矩，做好各项工作的有益参考。 《中国历史的教训》（全新修订精装版），整体行全新修订，增加了多篇附录文章，有趣、有料，叙事流畅生动，见解独到深刻，传递廉政新思维正能量。

广东千村调查项目是由暨南大学经济与社会研究院发起，暨南大学社会调查中心与共青团暨南大学委员会共同主办的全省性调查项目，项目组前往3000余户农村家庭，深乡村收集高质量一手数据研究三农问题，实现学术研究与政策研究的有机结合，为广东省乃至全国的乡村振兴建言献策。本书共分七部分，*部分介绍了广东千村调查的缘起和部分研究报告，后六部分按调查行的先后顺序由项目各部分参与者提供真实记录手稿，记录历史，折射现实，为乡村提供更加真实的侧面写照。

本书为国家社科基金项目成果。侨务工作是中国对外交流活动中重要的工作之一，研究和借鉴其他国家在侨务工作上的经验有利于我国侨务工作的展。全书选取当今世界上具有代表性的发达、次发达和发展中国家的美国、爱尔兰及印度三个国家为例，系统阐述美国侨民战略的内容、实施机制和实施效果及其对我国侨民战略的启示，并以2008年经济危机为切来分析爱尔兰侨民战略，厘清侨民战略与爱尔兰经济发展的内在逻辑，同时探讨印度侨民战略的提出背景与内容、机制、主要措施及效果。本书力求对我国侨民政策的制定、修订、完善及侨务活动的展具有一定的借鉴意义。

实现中华民族伟大复兴的重任历史性地落在了中国共产党身上。近百年来，中国共产党不忘初心、牢记使命、砥砺前行，充分展现了马克思主义使命型政党的主体意识与责任担当。作为国内*本系统研究马克思主义使命型政党的专著，本书结合历史与现实、理论与实践，在概念诠释的基础上，从对历史规律的深刻把握、对思想建党的高度重视、对制度治党的持续探索、对群众路线的自觉坚持、对党性修养的严格要求、对人类社会的使命承担、对思想方法的系统掌握七个方面对马克思主义使命型政党行了系统阐释。全书观鲜明，理论上具有创新性，实践中也具有较强的现实启示意义。

Ця книга — про економ?ку як просту науку, яку здатен збагнути кожен. Автор — корейський економ?ст Ха-Юн Чан? — показу? нам ?закритий? св?т економ?ки, що прихову?ться в?д загалу за купою чисел, заплутаних формул та незрозум?лих терм?н?в. У книз? стверджу?ться: знатися на економ?ц? може ? повинен кожен.??Серед усього ?ншого автор розм?ркову? над причинами св?тово? кризи 2008 року, над тим, чи справд? люди б?дн?, бо л?нив?, а ус? багат? — працьовит?, а також чи може кра?на досягти економ?чних усп?х?в, перестрибнувши через етап ?ндустр?ал?зац??. ? все це — доступною, подекуди жарт?вливою, мовою.??

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果的合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声 音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《学思践悟》系其政声版“三做谈”“学思用”等栏目以及“做学习型干部 倡导研究性工作”专栏征文文章的合集。

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

本书立足于党的十九大提出的“推贸易强国建设、推动形成全面放新格局”的对外放战略目标，循着突出新特色、分析新问题、启发新思路的思想框架，分析我国的出口贸易现状以及存在的问题，着眼于当前我国的自贸区建设、“一带一路”建设以及对外合作与援助项目的展情况，结合近期我国与美国的贸易摩擦，总结出如何推贸易强国建设的政策建议。本书有助于读者厘清我国出口贸易的发展历程，了解如何把我国建成贸易强国，还能为相关决策机构提供有力参考。

本书以时间为序，着重研究1918—2017年历届中国政府救助海外难侨的具体过程及其所涉及的国际关系。全书分四章，探讨北洋政府救助俄属远东地区难侨、新中国政府救助印度被拘难侨、印尼“排华”与中国政府对难侨的救助，以及21世纪中国政府救助海外侨民的重要行动相关的史实、背后所涉及的国际关系，阐述中国政府如何在当地动荡的局势下保护与救助深陷困境的海外侨民，具有一定的学术参考价值。

【内容简介】 本书以高质量建设法治南京为目标，并论述了实现该目标主要途径，包括：一、通过优化地方立法工作格局和机制、提升地方立法制规质量以实现提升地方立法制规质效。二、通过法治政府建设率先突破、推进公正*权威司法、深入推进全民守法来推动法治*实施。三、通过加强对立法规制、执法和司法的*监督健全法治监督体系来加强立法制规工作监督；四、通过从政治和组织保障、队伍人才经费保障、科技和理论保障来提高法治建设保障水平。

现代化是否意味着以不容置疑和不加批判的方式向世界各个国家和民族推广西方模式？全球化是否不可避免地带来文明的冲突？ 中国思想史研究巨擘狄培理长期关注中西文明的比较和互补。在本书中，他跨越中国、日本、印度等数个文明和数个历史时期，梳理、诠释亚洲经典文本及其历史语境，探讨了领导能力的本质及其与美德和教育的关系、公共知识分子的社会角色、掌权者在公民社会中的责任等重要问题。他认为，亚洲的一些传统思想资源，特别是德（nobility）与礼（civility）这两个不断演变的概念，可以帮助解决21世纪人类文明的困境，让全球化过程变得人性化。 狄培理坚持文化多元主义，提示我们不同文化传统之间需要沟通、对话，才能有助于化解当前世界上的各种冲突。儒家“克己复礼”“理一分殊”的思想在今天依然有用。