英国对“联合国军”遭到的惨败表示大为不满，他们把不满发泄在麦克阿瑟身上，英国国防大臣辛威尔说：“有一段时间，麦克阿瑟似乎是超出了我们在事件开始时所了解的目标，结果我们走近了驻有庞大中国军队的满洲边境。我们知道那里大约有7万军队准备作战，麦克阿瑟将军可能认为他满可以对付他们。但是，那里可能有更多的军队，他的情报弄错了。我们的处境实在可怕，欺骗自己是没有用的。”

对于个人来说，创新能够让你领先于众人甚至独占鳌头，对于一个国家和民族，创新在其间的意义更为深远。可以说，创新是一个民族进步的灵魂，是国家兴旺发达的不竭动力，只有不断创新，一个国家或民族才能永远充满活力，蒸蒸日上，保持自己的先进地位而稳立于世界民族之林。要时刻记得，自古以来，加速旧事物的灭亡、促进新事物的成长和不断发展壮大，唯有创新一条路。

珊瑚海之战，美国人如何做到“知己知彼”?日本人又如河采取顺水推舟之计?在这次战役中，航空母舰怎样成为海洋争霸战的土角?又是什么原因会将珊瑚海之战称为“美军在中途岛胜利的不可分割的序幕”?

中国的社会工作是在不断回应政府、社会需求的过程中逐渐发展起来的，其专业使命在于追求社会创新、实现社会正义。本书是作者赵环从事社会工作十余年教学、理论、实务、政策的结晶，聚焦政府服务、社会组织发展、第三方评估、社会工作范式转型、绿色社会工作、社会经济等议题，引领社会工作跨越式发展。

全书架构体系主要包括政党概述、政党制度、政党章程、中国特色社会主义：旗帜·道路·理论体系·制度·文化、党的性质、党的指导思想、党的理想和现阶段的奋斗目标、党的宗旨、党的组织制度和组织机构、党的纪律、党员义务和党员权利、发展党员的程序和手续等内容。全书不仅各章都设置了测试题，还在教材的后收录了入党常用文书写法及范文，内容涉及入党申请书、思想汇报、入党志愿书等入党有关文书撰写的方方面面。为有助于更好地检查培训效果和学习情况，还附录了一套入党积极分子培训测试题。本书适应入党积极分子的学习需要和基层组织发展党员工作的需要，既可作为党组织对入党积极分子进行培训的辅助教材，也可作为入党积极分子的自学读物。

内容简????? 介本书总结了2016年以来理论创新的*成果，紧密结合党中央的一系列会议、文件的*精神，对广大党员干部理论学习的热、重、难问题行深浅出的分析，内容涉及坚持道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信，启全面从严治党新征程，以新发展理念引领发展，把文化自信写“中国方案”，深推供给侧结构性改革，让“两学一做”在潜移默化中见长效，烧旺党内政治生活“大熔炉”，织密党内监督之网，用好监督执纪“四种形态”等18个方面，为党员干部更好地理解和把握党的创新理论成果提供有益参考。

本书紧密联系十九大精神，论述了“四个全面”战略布局的内涵、意义、内在逻辑关系等，从实现中国梦的实践指南、关键一步、关键一环、本质要求和制度保障、政治保证等方面对“四个全面”战略布局作了系统而详细的阐释，有助于党员干部深学习*新时代中国特色社会主义思想，理解“四个全面”战略布局的深刻涵义，更好地探索实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦的现实路径。

本书从历史溯源、现实分析、提升应用的视角，着重阐述领导干部如何增强学习、政治领导、改革创新、科学发展、依法执政、群众工作、狠抓落实、驾驭风险这八项执政本领，全面解读领导干部执政本领“是什么”“为什么”“怎么做”等一系列理论和实践问题，内容涵盖每一项执政本领的含义、来源、演变过程、重要意义和作用、具体的工作方法等方方面面，是一部逻辑清晰、语言通俗、针对性强的党政知识读物。

党的十八大提出实施创新驱动发展战略，强调科技创新是提高社会生产力和综合国力的战略支撑，必须摆在国家发展全局的核心位置。 　　《中国科技创新体制现代化》主要从现代化背景下的我国科技体制机制创新、我国科技文化融合的现代化趋势、科学共同体现代化的体制机制创新、科学基金组织结构与职能改革创新、网络时代科普能力现代化建设的体制机制创新、科普能力现代化的社会基础与社会责任等六个方面作了系统而详细的探究，对于推进新形势下我国科技创新体制现代化提供十分重要的价值参考。

　本书以新党章及现行党内法规，系统总结了各行各业党支部工作的好方法、好经验，全面、简明、具体地回答了党支部做好每一项工作的工作规程、方式方法和操作要求；每一篇结尾都设有典型案例、深度思考题等栏目，让读者在阅读思考中对照实际情况，找到适合自己的工作方法；详细介绍了党支部常用的一些文书格式和撰写方法。本书是广大基层党务工作者做好支部工作的实用手册。

　　 ?党建工作的着眼在哪儿？在基层党组织。党建工作的突破在哪儿？在基层组织的实践创新。《基层党务工作手册(新时期党建工作手册)》由东方治主编，全面贯彻落实十七届四中、五中全会精神，找准各类基层党组织展活动、发挥作用的着力，对近些年来基层党建工作的成功经验行了科学总结和理论概括。全面、系统、简明、具体地解答了新时期基层党组织在发展党员，党员教育、管理、监督、服务及换届选举等各项党务工作中的方式方法、工作规程和操作中出现的实际问题，以关键词、核心提要和创新案例的版块设置，生动、详实、灵活、多样地展知识框架，是基层党务工作者的案头读物。 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ??

　《社区党组织建设工作实务》围绕社区党组织的定位、设置、选举；社区“两新组织”体系建设；在社区深推“三有一化”建设；加强村改社区、新建小区党建工作；推网格化管理、组团式服务，不断提高社区党组织社会管理能力和服务群众能力等方面系统地论述了街道社区党建工作的方式方法、工作程序和操作规程。是社区党组织贯彻落实基层组织建设年实施意见，深化创先争优活动的参考用书。

面对决胜全面建成小康社会的艰巨任务，面对实现中华民族伟大复兴的历史使命，党员干部须做到居安思危、敬终如始。新时代已经带来了发展新要求、新课题，本书涵盖了谁出卷、谁答卷、谁阅卷等几个方面的内容，倡导党员干部要做到信念过硬、政治过硬、责任过硬、能力过硬、作风过硬，全面阐述了新时代对答卷人的新要求，帮助广大党员干部成为新时代合格答卷人。

由李俊伟、徐云鹏和赵晓刚共同编*的《新编预 备党员培训教材（2017版）》一书紧扣党的十八大、 十八届六中中全会精神以及中国梦、培养和践行社会 主义核心价值观等相关理论知识和《关于加强新形势 下发展党员和党员管理工作的意见》精神，分十二章 主要对确立预备期的意义、预备党员应该具备的素质 、预备党员转正的程序等行了介绍。每章的*后部 分是针对本章内容中关于预备党员的培养、教育、管 理工作中的疑难解析。本书版式新颖，内容紧扣主题 ，观**、准确，语言通俗，对预备党员如何渡过 预备期达到党员要求，从而真正成为一名共产党员将 起到很好的帮助和指导作用。此外，也可作为“新党 员培训工程”的选用教材之一。

本书是知名国际问题专家马晓霖的国际时政专栏文集，作者基于长期一线采访和深入学术研究，精通中东地区事务，并对诸多热点问题的走势做出过比较精准的预测。本书涉及中东近十二年来重大问题和局势演变，包括巴以冲突、伊拉克战争、叙利亚内战、“阿拉伯之春”巨变、伊朗核危机、恐怖主义浪潮、能源安全、大国地区博弈，以及中国中东外交等多个方面。作者以新闻记者的敏锐嗅觉、学术专家的深厚功力，以及专栏作家的优美文笔，系统梳理和全面呈现了当代中东复杂的地缘争端图景。

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.