The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

内容简介 治理改革是中国转型发展的一条重要主线，从公司治理到政府治理和社会组织治理的改革，再到十八届三中全会决定将推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化确定为全面深化改革的总目标，治理理念逐渐上升到国家高度，传播速度也在不断加快，已经影响到我们社会的方方面面。 本书运用灵活的语言、生动的案例，不仅总结治理的一般规律、列举常见的治理误区，而且详述不同组织治理的现状和发展等内容，后落脚到中国目前的治理改革与发展，内容丰富而又不失趣味性和可读性。书中强调了分类治理和配套治理改革的理念，可为读者深入了解当前的国家治理改革提供启发；阐述的绿色治理观念便于读者明晰中国治理改革的要求。

总书记多次强调指出，领导干部要把对法治的尊崇、对法律的敬畏转化成思维方式和行为方式,做到在法治之下、而不是法治之外、更不是法治之上想问题、作决策、办事情。 本书系统讲解了党员领导干部需要具备的法治思维，如人权思维、宪法和法律至上思维、有限政府思维、控权思维和正当程序思维等。并将讲解的重放在了如何运用法治思维上。书中贯穿了很多生动的小案例，能够帮助读者更加准确地理解和把握法治思维。

清华大学朱旭峰教授的《改革放与当代中国智库》一书立足于中国改革放40年，系统审视了中国智库在改革放过程中的发展历程和现实作用，并深分析了新时代多元化的中国智库体系及智库运行体系中的新主体，以期全面认识中国特色新型智库的现状、问题及未来的发展方向。本书提出了新时代中国智库建设的十大关键词，即专业、影响、独立、创新、务实、竞争、合作、激励、监督、国际化，对于建设中国特色新型智库具有重要的启发意义。

  民营企业与商会党组织是党的基层组织的重要组成部分，是确保党的路线方针政策和决策部署贯彻落实的基础。本书旨在通过总结民营企业和商会党建工作经验，拓展新时代民营企业与商会组织党建工作思路，为持续推动非公有制经济领域党的组织和党的工作覆盖，发挥民营企业和商会党组织在促非公有制经济健康发展和非公有制经济人士健康成长中的积极作用提供有益借鉴。

本书以适应军队信息化建设，提升基于信息系统的体系作战能力为指导，从信息系统的基本原理手，以各类军事信息系统为主体，重呈现多种类型军事信息系统的组成、结构、原理及发展趋势。本书内容分为三个部分，共10章。*部分包括第1章和第2章，主要介绍军事信息系统相关的基础知识，军事信息系统的发展、地位和作用，并对军事信息系统的结构组成和系统分类行归纳和总结；第二部分包括第3章至第8章，主要介绍不同类型、不同功能的军事信息系统的结构组成、工作原理、现状和发展趋势，包括预警探测系统、情报侦察系统、导航定位系统、军事通信系统和数据、指挥控制系统、综合保障系统等；第三部分包括第9章和第10章，主要介绍军事信息系统中相关军事领域的主要关键技术，以及目前国外军队及我国台湾地区军队的典型军事信息系统。

　　世界也许充斥着越来越多的暴力，但是诺贝尔经济学奖得主阿马蒂亚·森在这部包罗万象的哲学著作中认为，驱使着这些暴行的，不仅仅是那些不可解脱的仇恨，还有人们的思想混乱。 　　在11岁那年，阿马蒂亚·森生平*次亲历了杀戮。20世纪40年代在印度突然爆发的印度教徒—穆斯林骚乱的双方都受到了别人的有意挑唆。这场骚乱中的绝大多数受害者——包括印度教徒与穆斯林——都是同属一个阶级的劳动人民。而应当对这场血腥屠杀负责的，只有宗教身份这种单一划分的观念。 　　在这本新作中，森指出，与过去一样，一直延续到今天的冲突与暴力都受这种单一身份的幻象影响。显然，越来越多的人们根据宗教立场（或者“文化”或“文明”）来划分世界，而忽略人们看待自身的其他方式——诸如阶级、性别、职业、语言、文学、科学、音乐、道德或政治立场，并且否定了合理选择的现实可能性。一旦根据这种观来界定不同人之间的良好关系，人类就被严重地压缩并置于“小盒”之中。 　　在《诺贝尔经济学奖获得者丛书·身份与暴力：命运的幻象》中，森颠覆了那种惯用的概念，诸如“整个中东”或“西方思想”。通过对文化多元主义、恐怖主义和全球化的精辟分析，他得出了结论，我们应当更为清晰地理解人类自由，并成为全球公民社会中富有建设性的公共表达者。森证明，尽管*近世界陷了战争循环，但只要我们坚持这一理念，这个世界也同样能够稳定地迈向和平。

“太平洋战争”系列全景讲述第二次世界大战中，轴心国的主要成员国日本和同盟国的美、英等国，于1941年至1945年行的遍及太平洋、印度洋和东亚地区的太平洋战争。完整呈现日本军国主义兴起至败亡的全过程，深分析太平洋战争的前因后果，多角度展示轴心国和同盟国之间的军事、政治、外交和经济斗争。作者文字流畅，行文脉络清晰，引经据典，还原史实，对事件和人物有精辟的见解。书中战争场面宏大、程细腻；人物形象饱满，性格突出；情节惊心动魄，扣人心弦。 本书系“太平洋战争”系列第五部《绞杀日本》，主要叙述了加快太平洋战争程的三大战役珊瑚海海战、中途岛战役、瓜达尔卡纳尔岛战役。

【内容简介】 本书为社会科学类论文集，分为治国理政新理念新思想新战略研究、中国特色社会主义与当代中国、马克思主义研究、政治文明、经济建设与社会发展和党的建设六个版块。 本书由中共江苏省委党校中国特色社会主义理论体系研究中心，根据理论热点，组织刊发国内有影响的专家学者关于中国特色社会主义理论与实践研究的原创研究成果，是江苏省委党校在新形势下进一步深化中国特色社会主义理论体系研究，切实把中国特色社会主义理论体系学习宣传和研究引向深入的成果展示。

2018年中国迎来改革放40周年，这是总结经验、继续深化改革放的重要时机。本书从历史、成就和经验等多个维度，对改革放的伟大局面行立体式呈现，全面展现改革放40年历程尤其是党的十八以来的新成就，全面回答“为什么说改革放伟大”这个重大问题。本书深贯彻总书记关于全面深化改革的讲话精神，充分展示了改革放40年的伟大成就，深刻认识了改革放是决定当代中国命运的关键一招，是新时期全面解读改革放的重要著作。

　　次世界大战结束后，德国陷了危机之中。金融体系全面崩溃，种族、政治、宗教等方面的纠纷困扰着民众，民众感到无所适从，许多人求诸远古的神话与迷信，以排解心中的不安。这一切为第三帝国的产生创造了机会。这其中啤酒馆暴动是一个典型，虽然它失败了，但纳粹的“鬼影”就此植了德国人民的心中……

本书以加拿大的中等国家外交思想与国内政治文化为研究主轴，分析与探究了加拿大的“多边外交”的偏好以及自我定位国际政治（危机）中的“斡旋者”和“修复者”的内在政治文化的因素，并对加拿大在全球治理中的“悄悄贡献者”和“影子行为体”角色行了全方位的考察和研究。作者兼顾了当前的中加关系态势，对加拿大涉华智库和知华派以及中加关系的历史发展也行了全面梳理。本书为中国学者、政策决策者以及智库专家和读者提供了*、*系统的加拿大国别研究的专业知识和文本。   

中国古代官德文化具有悠久的历史和丰富的内容，是历代政治家和思想家不断总结为官从政的经验教训而逐步形成的，在一定程度上揭示了国家治理和官员道德建设的基本规律，凝聚了中华民族丰富的人生智慧和治国理政经验，是当代干部为官从政和修身养德的有益资材。作者立足现代视角，以虔敬、辩证和扬弃的理念，梳理了中国古代官德规范的主要内容，归纳了古代官德的培养与建设方法，总结了古代官德的积极作用，分析了继承古代官德应有的态度，探讨了古代官德建设的启示和当代新型官德建设的途径，从而发挥古代官德文化资政育人的作用。

 《新中国行政体制改革70年》是“上海市纪念新中国成立70年研究丛书”之一，本书按照时间顺序，主要回顾并梳理总结新中国成立70年来历次行政体制改革的伟大历程和宝贵经验。书中结合大量公历史文献资料、数据等，讲述了政府机构改革、政府职能转变、行政审批制度改革、国家公务员制度发展等主题，对于深化行政体制改革，推国家治理体系和治理能力现代化具有重要意义。

本书汇集了从公元前15世纪至现代多场经典战役，全面讲解战役的过程，重介绍战争双方在战役中的军队部署、战术运用、智慧得失，并对战役的影响行分析和总结。全书再现了3500多年中不同时代、不同国家和地区所经历的血与火的洗礼。

本书静心提炼出“荣誉”、“忠诚”、“纪律”、“信念”、“意志力”、“团队”、“冒险精神”等26条西军校的经典法则，通过对西人及其案例的解读，详细阐述了每一条西法则所蕴含的深刻内容和重要价值，对个人而言可以从中获得人生启示。

本书以建党以来重要历史时期和事件为线索，系统回顾了领导干部选拔的发展历程，全面总结了领导干部选拔工作在一个世纪的历史变迁中积累的成功经验，深探讨了领导干部选拔工作的制度演变、体系发展、比较优势、探索创新等内容，为一步推动干部人事制度改革走向深、推干部管理工作科学化和国家治理能力现代化建言献策。

本书运用内容分析、数据挖掘、社会网络分析等研究方法，对国际社交媒体涉华舆情的传播机制以及中国对外传播战略行探索，分析如何提升对外传播的主导权，提出加强和提升我国对外传播的举措以及国际社交媒体舆情引导的策略。

　　本书精心选取了二十余型第二次世界大战后服役的、各国*代表性的航空母舰和两栖攻舰，对它们的作战性能和装备情况行了详细介绍，并将实体图片与电脑彩绘相结合，全面细致地展现了它们的外观特征。 与此同时，本书独树一帜地将两种舰的性能参数以图表的形式行了对比分析，力求使读者直观地了解它们的实力对比情况，并从中得到启发。 　　本书具有较高的参考和收藏价值，是广大军事迷和关心国防事业的朋友们的读物，同时，也适合作为广大青少年朋友的国防科普知识读物。