本书用通俗易懂的语言向读者生动地描述了解放战争后期的九个著名战役，包括渡江战役、太原战役、上海战役、兰州战役、成都战役、衡宝战役、广西战役、海南岛战役、一江山岛战役，并向读者展现解放军的优良传统和战略思维，亦展现了战火纷飞中的军民情深。

　　中国人民伟大的“抗美援朝、保家卫国”的战争，是中国人民不畏强暴反抗侵略的伟大壮举，创造了震撼世界的光辉业绩，是新中国的光荣和骄傲，是中华民族的光荣和骄傲。在抗美援朝战争后期，双方表面上的对峙以及和谈的计划，并不能掩盖战役的激烈程度。中朝军队通过积极准备，顽强战斗，取得了一连串来之不易的胜利。本书详述了抗美援朝后期几次重大战役始末，志愿军运用正确的战略战术，在朝鲜战场上与“联合国军”斗智斗勇，克敌制胜的故事；讴歌了我军指战员浴血奋战、舍生忘死、保家卫国的英雄事迹，读来感人肺腑，令人血脉贲张。

　　本书是在2012年1月版的基础上修订而成，以大事记的形式梳理两千余年来的中日关系历史，分四个部分细致地展现了中日两国在不同历史时期的互动和关系。以史为鉴，面向未来，就是要让历史的友好之光和经验教训，指引后人的前道路，终实现“和平共处、世代友好、互利合作、共同发展”的崇高目标。

历史、地理与政治之间有着错综复杂而又密不可分的关系，构成了人类历史发展程中的一条主要线索，也一直吸引着人们加以关注和思考。在20世纪初政治地理学研究兴起的背景下，作者通过引“地理条件”“能量”“支配作用”等概念，以系统的解释框架梳理了世界历史的脉络。 全书从地理及其与历史之间关系的视角，阐释了各个文明、民族与国家不同的发展历程及其呈现出的多样化特征，强调诸如地势、热量、水分、植被、海陆分布等地理因素的 作用，并着重分析了其对人口与族群、迁徙与殖民、战争与政治、生产与经济、知识与技术等方面的影响，在地理条件与历史程交织与互动的宏大视野之下，呈现出一部视角独 特而别有洞见的人类文明发展史。

当今世界，风云变幻，正处在力量重新组合的重大转折期，各类热问题层出不穷，吸引了国际社会的广泛关注。作为负责任的大国，中国的发展离不世界，世界越来越“重视”中国，中国也需要主动向世界表达自己。本书选取了近年来国际社会普遍关注的十来个热事件，包括巴以冲突、乌克兰问题、南海问题新动向、叙利亚危机新走向、伊朗核问题新展、马航事件等，对其来龙去脉、中国的政策立场和事态的走向行深浅出的介绍和分析，旨在阐明中国的立场，传达中国的声音。

本书分为四篇：指导思想探索”、“学科建设思考”、“课程改革研究”、“基本理论探析”，对改革开放以来高校思想政治理论课程改革历程及其经验、当前马克思主义理论学科建设的主要问题、思想政治理论课程教学中一些理论问题、“05方案”实施以来高校思想政治理论课程改革新情况和新问题进行了系统的梳理和深入的探讨。

本书分为三篇：高校马克思主义理论学科建设、高校思想政治理论课教学内容改革、思想政治理论课教学方法研究，对马克思主义理论学科整体性研究的基本关系、马克思主义理论学科建设与思想政治理论课的关系、“中国特色社会主义理论与实践研究”课程的教学理念及思路和方法、加强思想政治理论课教学有效性和针对性的思路和途径等几个重要问题进行了系统梳理和深入的探讨。

本书以新时期马克思主义中国化的推进为主线，以中国特色社会主义为主题，以改革开放和社会主义现代化建设为实践背景，以邓小平同志在开创中国特色社会主义道路、形成中国特色社会主义理论体系、确立中国特色社会主义制度过程中所做出的杰出贡献为主要内容，力求深入阐述邓小平和邓小平理论的历史地位及其当代价值，充分体现党的十八大和习近平总书记系列重要讲话精神。

本书从中国特色社会主义文化建设理论的形成，性质、特征及内涵，地位、作用，基本原则，基本任务，主要内容，基本途径，基本经验，新实践等方面对中国特色社会主义文化建设的理论和经验行概括和总结。揭示了文化发展程的基本特征，探讨了新的历史时期在文化建设、文化事业和文化产业发展，以及社会和谐文化建设等主要领域所取得的理论与实践的新经验、新成果，并对我国文化的未来建设与发展行了构想和展望。

本报告是马克思主义理论学科学术发展的个年度报告。年度报告的内容可以分为三大板块：一是当年马克思主义理论学科建设和发展的重要事项，包括中央关于马克思主义理论学科建设的指导思想，中宣部、*关于马克思主义理论学科建设的相关文件精神等，还包括马克思主义理论学科建设的重要展、高校马克思主义学院建设特别是学科学术发展的基本情况。二是当年马克思主义理论学科学术发展的主要成就和成果，包括当年马克思主义理论一级学科学术发展概述，以及马克思主义理论学科各二级学科学术发展的主要论题，这是年度报告的主体部分。三是当年马克思主义理论学科发展的综合情况报告，其中主要包括当年马克思主义理论学科学术研讨会、马克思主义理论学科国际学术交流概况、当年马克思主义理论学科获奖情况，包括高校思想政治理论课程建设和发展概况，高校思想政治理论各门课程建设的新展、新经验、新措施等，还包括高校马克思主义理论学科博士生培养、重研究基地建设、创新平台发展以及博士生导师队伍建设等概况。

研究中国共产党，是一门大学问。对很多西方学者来说，中国共产党始终是个谜。他们热衷于唱衰或是预言，却一次次落空，中国共产党依然以其强大的生命力和活力傲立于世界政治舞台。 本书作者为中共中央党校八位青年学者，他们以独特的视角、新锐的观、清新的思想，力图挖掘中国共产党自我革新、不断完善的基因，探寻中国共产党成功之道，深回答国内外读者关注和困惑的重大问题：中国共产党成功的秘诀是什么，有哪些“看家本领”？中国共产党的执政理念为什么能获得人民的认同？西方的政治制度真比中国的好吗？中国共产党如何避免重蹈苏共覆辙？面对中国经济增速放缓，发展步“新常态”阶段，中国共产党如何应对挑战？

哈贝马斯在本书中指出了当代资本主义社会的经济、政治和社会文化 系统中存在着四种形式的危机倾向。由于现代技术的高速增长，管理和控 制的过度强调，产生了一系列新的危机，除各种形式的经济危机外，文化 危机(包括人性的自由发展、社会成员对社会的信任和参与动机等问题)， 以及行政系统的合理决策和有效协调等问题，是更严重的危机。

【内容简介】 本书为社会科学类论文集，分为治国理政新理念新思想新战略研究、中国特色社会主义与当代中国、马克思主义研究、政治文明、经济建设与社会发展和党的建设六个版块。 本书由中共江苏省委党校中国特色社会主义理论体系研究中心，根据理论热点，组织刊发国内有影响的专家学者关于中国特色社会主义理论与实践研究的原创研究成果，是江苏省委党校在新形势下进一步深化中国特色社会主义理论体系研究，切实把中国特色社会主义理论体系学习宣传和研究引向深入的成果展示。

2018年中国迎来改革放40周年，这是总结经验、继续深化改革放的重要时机。本书从历史、成就和经验等多个维度，对改革放的伟大局面行立体式呈现，全面展现改革放40年历程尤其是党的十八以来的新成就，全面回答“为什么说改革放伟大”这个重大问题。本书深贯彻总书记关于全面深化改革的讲话精神，充分展示了改革放40年的伟大成就，深刻认识了改革放是决定当代中国命运的关键一招，是新时期全面解读改革放的重要著作。

本书对国际政治的基础话题和基本概念行了精练、透彻的阐释，并因此得到学术界的普遍认可。作者不偏不倚地介绍了国际关系的主要理论范式——自由主义、现实主义、激主义和建构主义，为学生在个人、国家和国际体系三个层次上理解世界政治事务提供了全面的分析工具。并具体分析了21世纪世界政治面临的主要问题——安全、经济、人权和跨国问题。

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.