Alchimia fericirii, publicat? ?n persan? (Kimiya?yi sa’adat), spre sf?r?itul vie?ii autorului, urm?re?te atenuarea tensiunilor dintre filosofii ?i misticii Islamului ?i scoate ?n eviden?? importan?a autodisciplinei ?i a ascetismului. Traducerea de fa?? are la baz? traducerea publicat? ?n 1910, ?n englez? de Claud Field (The Alchemy of Happiness) ?i este structurat? ?n opt capitole, aproximativ egale ca ?ntindere. Cartea de fa?? reune?te o serie de interpret?ri ale unor pilde cu con?inut religios evocate ?n Coran ?i ale unor idei exprimate de Mahomed, de al?i profe?i sau ?nv??ati musulmani. Chestiunile abordate de Al-Ghazali aduc ?n prim-plan ideea unei vie?i religioase exemplare. Astfel, el prezint? mai multe sfaturi pentru musulmanii pio?i. Raportul omului cu divinitatea, cu semenii s?i, cu rudele apropiate, dar ?i implica?iile religioase ale institu?iei c?s?toriei sau ale muzicii ?i dansului sunt printre cele mai importante subiecte din lucrarea lui Al-Ghazali. S? ?tii, o, preaiubite, c? omul nu a fost creat ?n glum? sau la ?nt?mplare, ci a fost f?cut ?ntr?un fel minunat ?i pentru un ?el ?nalt. Chiar dac? nu a existat dintotdeauna, el tr?ie?te ve?nic; ?i chiar dac? trupul s?u este slab ?i p?m?ntesc, spiritul ?i este m?re? ?i dumnezeiesc. ?i cu c?t este mai ales subiectul cunoa?terii noastre,cu at?t mai mare va fi ?nc?ntarea sim?it? ?n studierea acestuia; de exemplu, ne?ar face mai mult? placer s? ?tim secretele unui rege dec?t dac? am afla secretele unui ministru. V?z?nd c? Dumnezeu este cel mai ?nalt obiect posibil pentru cunoa?terea noastr?, cunoa?terea Sa trebuie s? ne d?ruiasc? mai mult? desf?tare dec?t oricare alta.

De La Boétie ofer? una dintre primele ?i cele mai clare explica?ii privind servitutea voluntar?, starea care define?te supunerea majorit??ii fa?? de minoritatea care de?ine puterea politic?. Este ?i va r?m?ne acela?i lucru, indiferent de scurgerea timpului: un eseu memorabil despre m?re?ia ?i micimile naturii umane, slujit exemplar de g?ndul ?i de pana unui geniu cu care timpul nu a avut prea mult? r?bdare.,,Dar, Dumnezeule mare, ce ?nseamn? asta? Cum s? numim aceast? nenorocire? Ce viciu ?ngrozitor e ?sta, s? vezi nenum?ra?i oameni, nu doar c? se supun, ci c? slujesc, nu c? sunt guverna?i, ci c? sunt tiraniza?i, neav?nd nici bunuri, nici p?rin?i, nici copii, nici m?car propria lor via???“ ?tienne de LA Boétie

Coresponden?a lui Descartes dubleaz? opera sa propriu-zis?, fiind uneori mai expresiv? dec?t aceasta ?i cuprinz?nd cutezan?e filozofice pe care c?r?ile sale nu ?i le ?ng?duie. E aici, ?n paginile acestor scrisori, un Descartes mai viu, mai nuan?at ?n exprimare, mai amplu. O mare g?ndire filozofic?, precum aceasta, nu se resemneaz? cu propria realitate, ci se impune printr-o str?danie de a cuceri con?tiin?a public?, despre care dau seama aceste texte. Ele ?nchid ?n cuprinderea lor imaginea eforturilor prin care filozoful ??i creeaz? premisele posterit??ii sale.

O analiz? aplicat? a operei unuia dintre cei mai controversa?i g?nditori germani, supranumit monahul de la Sils-Maria; o lectur? ?n filigran a modului nietzschean de abordare a c?torva concepte dificile, interpretate la modul catastrofic: supraomul, ve?nica ?ntoarcere a aceluia?i, anti-Christul. Lucrarea se situeaz? ?n buna ?i prestigioas? tradi?ie a marilor creatori care comenteaz? textele fundamentale ale omenirii dintr-un unghi specific.

A fi rom?n? ?E o ru?ine!“, exclama Cioran. ?n ce m?sur? filosoful de la Paris avea dreptate? Ce ?nseamn? ?a fi rom?n“ ?ntr-o fals? tranzi?ie care aparent nu se mai termin?? La aceste ?i multe alte ?ntreb?ri ?ncearc? s? r?spund? scriitorul Ionel Necula ?n opus-ul de fa??, care ?nsumeaz? analize ale r?sturn?rilor sociale evidente, ?nregistrate ?n ultimii ?aptesprezece ani. Nu ?ntotdeauna comod, spiritul coroziv al autorului ??i spune cuv?ntul, av?nd uneori accente incendiare.

Human reason, in one sphere of its cognition, is called upon to consider questions, which it cannot decline, as they are presented by its own nature, but which it cannot answer, as they transcend every faculty of the mind. It falls into this difficulty without any fault of its own. It begins with principles, which cannot be dispensed with in the field of experience, and the truth and sufficiency of which are, at the same time, insured by experience. With these principles it rises, in obedience to the laws of its own nature, to ever higher and more remote conditions. But it quickly discovers that, in this way, its labours must remain ever incomplete, because new questions never cease to present themselves; and thus it finds itself compelled to have recourse to principles which transcend the region of experience, while they are regarded by common sense without distrust. It thus falls into confusion and contradictions, from which it conjectures the presence of latent errors, which, however, it is unable to discover, because the principles it employs, transcending the limits of experience, cannot be tested by that criterion. The arena of these endless contests is called Metaphysic.Time was, when she was the queen of all the sciences; and, if we take the will for the deed, she certainly deserves, so far as regards the high importance of her object-matter, this title of honour. Now, it is the fashion of the time to heap contempt and scorn upon her; and the matron mourns, forlorn and forsaken, like Hecuba: At first, her gover Modo maxima rerum, Tot generis, natisque potens... Nunc trahor exul, inops. —Ovid, Metamorphoses. xiii under the administration of the dogmatists, was an absolute despotism. But, as the legislative continued to show traces of the ancient barbaric rule, her empire gradually broke up, and intestine wars introduced the reign of anarchy; while the sceptics, like nomadic tribes, who hate a permanent habitation and settled mode of living, attacked from time to time those who had organized themselves into civil communities. But their number was, very happily, small; and thus they could not entirely put a stop to the exertions of those who persisted in raising new edifices, although on no settled or uniform plan. In recent times the hope dawned upon us of seeing those disputes settled, and the legitimacy of her claims established by a kind of physiology of the human understanding—that of the celebrated Locke. But it was found that—although it was affirmed that this so-called queen could not refer her descent to any higher source than that of common experience, a circumstance which necessarily brought suspicion on her claims—as this genealogy was incorrect, she persisted in the advancement of her claims to sovereignty. Thus metaphysics necessarily fell back into the antiquated and rotten constitution of dogmatism, and again became obnoxious to the contempt from which efforts had been made to save it. At present, as all methods, according to the general persuasion, have been tried in vain, there reigns nought but weariness and complete indifferentism—the mother of chaos and night in the scientific world, but at the same time the source of, or at least the prelude to, the re-creation and reinstallation of a science, when it has fallen into confusion, obscurity, and disuse from ill directed effort. I do not mean by this a criticism of books and systems, but a critical inquiry into the faculty of reason, with reference to the cognitions to which it strives to attain without the aid of experience; in other words, the solution of the question regarding the possibility or impossibility of metaphysics, and the determination of the origin, as well as of the extent and limits of this science. All this must be done on the basis of principles. ABOUT AUTHOR: That all our knowledge begins with experience there can be no doubt. For how is it possible that the faculty of cognition should be awakened into exercise otherwise than by means of objects which affect our senses, and partly of themselves produce representations, partly rouse our powers of understanding into activity, to compare to connect, or to separate these, and so to convert the raw material of our sensuous impressions into a knowledge of objects, which is called experience? In respect of time, therefore, no knowledge of ours is antecedent to experience, but begins with it. But, though all our knowledge begins with experience, it by no means follows that all arises out of experience. For, on the contrary, it is quite possible that our empirical knowledge is a compound of that which we receive through impressions, and that which the faculty of cognition supplies from itself (sensuous impressions giving merely the occasion), an addition which we cannot distinguish from the original element given by sense, till long practice has made us attentive to, and skilful in separating it. It is, therefore, a question which requires close investigation, and not to b

The present publication is intended to supply a recognised deficiency in our literature—a library edition of the Essays of Montaigne. This great French writer deserves to be regarded as a classic, not only in the land of his birth, but in all countries and in all literatures. His Essays, which are at once the most celebrated and the most permanent of his productions, form a magazine out of which such minds as those of Bacon and Shakespeare did not disdain to help themselves; and, indeed, as Hallam observes, the Frenchman's literary importance largely results from the share which his mind had in influencing other minds, coeval and subsequent. But, at the same time, estimating the value and rank of the essayist, we are not to leave out of the account the drawbacks and the circumstances of the period: the imperfect state of education, the comparative scarcity of books, and the limited opportunities of intellectual intercourse. Montaigne freely borrowed of others, and he has found men willing to borrow of him as freely. We need not wonder at the reputation which he with seeming facility achieved. He was, without being aware of it, the leader of a new school in letters and morals. His book was different from all others which were at that date in the world. It diverted the ancient currents of thought into new channels. It told its readers, with unexampled frankness, what its writer's opinion was about men and things, and threw what must have been a strange kind of new light on many matters but darkly understood. Above all, the essayist uncased himself, and made his intellectual and physical organism public property. He took the world into his confidence on all subjects. His essays were a sort of literary anatomy, where we get a diagnosis of the writer's mind, made by himself at different levels and under a large variety of operating influences. Of all egotists, Montaigne, if not the greatest, was the most fascinating, because, perhaps, he was the least affected and most truthful. What he did, and what he had professed to do, was to dissect his mind, and show us, as best he could, how it was made, and what relation it bore to external objects. He investigated his mental structure as a schoolboy pulls his watch to pieces, to examine the mechanism of the works; and the result, accompanied by illustrations abounding with originality and force, he delivered to his fellow-men in a book. W. C. H. KENSINGTON, November 1877. THE LIFE OF MONTAIGNE The author of the Essays was born, as he informs us himself, between eleven and twelve o'clock in the day, the last of February 1533, at the chateau of St. Michel de Montaigne. His father, Pierre Eyquem, esquire, was successively first Jurat of the town of Bordeaux (1530), Under-Mayor 1536, Jurat for the second time in 1540, Procureur in 1546, and at length Mayor from 1553 to 1556. He was a man of austere probity, who had "a particular regard for honour and for propriety in his person and attire . . . a mighty good faith in his speech, and a conscience and a religious feeling inclining to superstition, rather than to the other extreme. Between 1556 and 1563 an important incident occurred in the life of Montaigne, in the commencement of his romantic friendship with Etienne de la Boetie, whom he had met, as he tells us, by pure chance at some festive celebration in the town. From their very first interview the two found themselves drawn irresistibly close to one another, and during six years this alliance was foremost in the heart of Montaigne, as it was afterwards in his memory, when death had severed it.

"A megsemmisülés rejtélyes sz?vege egyszerre filozófiai traktátus, misztikus beavatás és poszthumán próza. A kortárs irodalomban egyre inkább feler?s?dik ez a nem-antropocentrikus hang, mely nem emberi sorsokat akar elbeszélni, hanem a nyelv és az ember k?z?s hiányt?rténetére mutat rá. ?Mennyien kapaszkodtak a létbe, mint egy végtelen fa t?rzsébe” - írja Horváth Márk és Lovász ?dám, hiszen az emberi állapot csak a társadalmi, nyelvi és metafizikai katasztrófa terében értelmezhet?. Apokaliptikus (neo)romantika és abszurd k?ltészet. Az utolsó ember kézik?nyve a túlélés lehetetlenségér?l."Nemes Z. Márió Az Idegenre hárult a sors ajándéka, hogy els?ként az utolsó emberek k?zu?l végignézze minden ku?ls?dleges k?telék pusztulását, és bizalmát lelkébe, s?t a lelkén is túlra helyezze, minden emberit maga m?g?tt hagyva. Minden ház gerendái k?z?tt barátságok és szerelmek jól táplált holttestei indultak oszlásnak, míg csak a csont fehérlett ki a vízb?l. Mint rég elhagyott kik?t?k tornyai, olyan hívogatóak voltak ezek a csontok az új kor embere számára.

Cartea de fa??, pe care cititorul o ?ine acum ?n m?n?, reprezint? o form? – literar vorbind, foarte complex?, fiindc? ea evolueaz? pe mai multe voci narative, dintre care doar unele ?i apar?in ?n mod direct autoarei – de exorcism. Geniul inimii e r?spunsul unui poet la o experien?? personal? plenitudinar?, ?n care bucuria ?i suferin?a se ?ntrep?trund reciproc pentru a exprima, ?mpreun? ?i tensionat, starea de gra?ie. Exist? o voce a experien?ei biografice ?n aceast? carte scris? febril, o alta de martor sau de participant la istorie, tot a?a cum exist? o voce a puterii ?i una a victimei. Deasupra tuturor st?, ?ns?, nu neap?rat triumf?toare, dar lucid-cerebral?, chemarea celor dou? credin?e pentru care merit? s? tr?ie?ti ?i s?-?i rememorezi via?a atunci c?nd ai ajuns cu ea la r?sp?ntie: credin?a ?n cultura modelelor care te-au precedat ?i credin?a deloc ingenu?, ci ivit? din cunoa?tere, ?n sacralitatea profund? a celor tr?ite ?i ?n transcenden??. (?tefan Borbély) A considera un text drept ?carte a ilumin?rilor mele“ ?i a a?eza ca titlu al primei p?r?i a volumului sintagma Povestea subteranei ne plaseaz? sub semnul aproape imposibil al drumului c?tre Sine, al cuprinderii, al denud?rii ?i al efortului de a ?n?elege un obiect al c?rui adev?r se va afla ?ntotdeauna ?n proximitatea pe?terii lui Platon. E un demers perpetuat, dar niciodat? epuizat ?i aproape exclus din plasma comunic?rii, care – ?n situa?ia ?romanului“ Aurei Christi – nu are coresponden?e, nu se apropie de experien?a budhist?, nici de prerogativele ocultismului de New Age, ci ne aduce ?n vecin?tatea ?ndemnului de pe frontispiciul templului lui Apollo din Delphi, preluat apoi, ca solu?ie ?ntre a fi ?i a p?rea, de c?tre Socrate: ?Cunoa?te-te pe tine ?nsu?i!“. Po?i ?nt?lni, pe acest drum, ?i acel daimonion care a str?juit g?ndirea aceluia?i ?n?elept atenian ca alt? fa?? a ?subteranelor“ fiin?ei, acolo unde lumina se ?ngem?neaz? cu ?ntunericul, stare ?poetizat?“ de Goethe, dar pr?bu?it? ?n tragic de Dostoievski. E o cobor?re spre ?n?elegere prin cuprindere ?i, implicit, prin atingerea nelimitatului. (Mircea Braga) Cartea Aurei Christi Geniul inimii pare o st?nc? masiv?, singuratic?, ?ntr-un peisaj ?mioritic“. Geniul inimii are originalitate ?i for??. Prima parte e liric?, a doua (?ntr-un fel) – o comedie negru-satiric?, a treia – predominant epic-narativ?. Prima parte este excelent?; mi-am ?nsemnat un num?r de poezii memorabile. A doua, ?n centrul ei mai ales, are sec?iuni, pasaje extrem de interesant-pl?cute-amuzante, ?n pofida tonului, uneori, foiletonistic. A treia e impresionant? ?n ansamblu, armonios-coerent?, de o sinceritate sf??ietoare. ?n tot volumul, istoricul, religiosul, subiectivul se leag? foarte frumos ?ntre ele. Nu-mi plac laudele la adresa lui Nietzsche! De fapt, cum se leag? acest autor de Biblie, de Evanghelii?! Aura Christi poate fi m?ndr? de o realizare major?, cu totul original?. Probabil, nu l-a citit pe romanticul britanic Wordsworth; dar el e cel care a scris (sau a ?nceput s? scrie) o memorabil? autobiografie ?n versuri. Pu?ini l-au continuat. Am putea spune c? Aura se num?r? printre cei pu?ini. (Virgil Nemoianu)

道源法师关于念佛的完整示，包括对念佛的目的、方法、功德等的详细的讲解，为修行净土宗的修行者提供了如何正确念佛的方便法门。

"Wilde è profetico sin dalle prima righe, quando denuncia la prevalenza dell’emozione sulla razionalità, male principe del nostro tempo, e poi del pietismo sull’emancipazione, male di tanta politica di pseudo sinistra" (dall'Introduzione di Alfredo Sgarlato). Wilde: ?perché la vita raggiunga la sua più elevata perfezione, ci vuole qualche cosa di più. Ciò che ci vuole è l'individualismo?, ?Utopia? Una carta geografica del mondo in cui non sia segnato il paese dell'Utopia, non varrebbe la pena d'essere guardata, perché vi mancherebbe il paese in cui l'Umanità atterra ogni giorno. Ma non appena v'è sbarcata, ella guarda più lontano, scorge una terra ancora più bella, e spiega di nuovo le vele. Progredire significa realizzare l'Utopia?. SOMMARIO: Introduzione (di Alfredo Sgarlato) - Postfazione. Breve biblio-nota ai testi e alla traduzione (di Fabrizio Pinna) - OSCAR WILDE Società e libertà: elogio dell'individualismo - APPENDICE I Oscar Wilde, Rapporti fra il socialismo e l'individualismo (di Luigi Fabbri, 1913) - APPENDICE II The Soul of Man under Socialism (1891). LA COLLANA IN/DEFINIZIONI

《中国哲学史大纲》是中国哲学家胡适的先秦哲学思想史专著。该书原是胡适留学美国哥伦比亚大学时的博士论文《中国古代哲学方法之进化史》，1917年他根据此编成在北京大学教授中国哲学史的讲义。本书中国近代史上部系统地应用资产阶级观点和方法写成的中国古代哲学史，具有反封建的进步的历史意义，在中国哲学史学发展史上占有重要的地位。它的出版被视为“中国哲学史学科成立的标志，虽然只有上卷，但是它的成就和特色足以为后世哲学史家开出全新的境界。”

胡适先生是中国著名思想家、文学家、哲学家，是上世纪中国有影响力的学者之一。胡适先生毕生提倡民主、自由和理性思想，正是这样的思想帮助许多青年树立自主自由的人格，形成独立思考、尊重事实的思维方式，成为具有民主和科学素养的人。胡适先生一生著述宏富，尤其是在文学、哲学、史学、考据学、教育学、红学等方面，著有多部优秀作品。本套丛书按照学术分类重新编排，如哲学、文学、史学、英文著作、日记、书信等，共计44卷。每类中凡已刊作品，按发表时间编排，未发表或未查明确切时间作品酌予处置。 《中国哲学史大纲》是中国哲学家胡适的先秦哲学思想史专著。该书原是胡适留学美国哥伦比亚大学时的博士论文《中国古代哲学方法之进化史》，1917年他根据此编成在北京大学教授中国哲学史的讲义。本书中国近代史上部系统地应用资产阶级观点和方法写成的中国古代哲学史，具有反封建的进步的历史意义，在中国哲学史学发展史上占有重要的地位。它的出版被视为“中国哲学史学科成立的标志，虽然只有上卷，但是它的成就和特色足以为后世哲学史家开出全新的境界。”

《重读经典》系列包括《孟子:平民议政》、《庄子：平民的生活心态》、《论语：平民正心修身》、《大学:平民的修养》、《中庸:平民处世哲学》五部经典佳作。作者从一位普通百姓的视角，重新注析解读了《孟子》、《庄子》、《论语》、《大学》、《中庸》，旨在弘扬传统文化，激发读者的思考，使经典的内容可以更深入人心。

《胡适四十自述》是胡适亲笔撰写的自传，在中国现代传记文学中独树一帜。在本书中，胡适从母亲的订婚开始，讲述了自己童年、少年与青年时代的人生经历。九年的家乡教育，从拜神到无神，以及他接受新式教育，考取官费留美，到“逼上梁山”的文学革命，皆是胡适难以忘记的人生历程，也是造就胡适成为当时中国学术、思想、舆论领袖的成因。同时，本书也是胡适与自己心灵的一次对谈。本书讲的不仅是胡适40岁以前的人生经历与思想建树，更反映了他当时所处社会的风貌。他人生所到的每一处都有描述，比如他的家乡、求学的上海、留学的美国、任职时所在的北京等等。通过这些不仅可以了解20世纪上半叶中国学术等领域的状况，也能从侧面反映出当时知识分子寻求进步的轨迹内容。在本书后，还附有精选的几篇胡适文章和胡适家族的世系表，通过阅读他的文章，也可切切实实地感受到他的思想信念，这些都对读者大有裨益。不仅如此，还可感受到胡适儒雅、睿智的文人风范，了解一个鲜活的胡适。《胡适谈哲学与人生》精选了胡适关于哲学和人生两个方面的文章，选录的均为胡适一生有代表性的文字，并结合多个版本进行了校对，力求呈现接近大师本人原意的文字。本书探讨了哲学和人生两个方面，从古代到现代，从过去到未来。包括中国古代哲学，现当代哲学，以及人生的观念。接受过新思想的胡适，其观念与当时的众多人迥然不同，一些人生观到现在读来仍让人觉得醍醐灌顶。《容忍与自由》一书所选篇目展现了胡适深刻、犀利的思想观点，也侧面展现了他在纷繁时事中的人格魅力。涵盖其从青年至晚年的各类文章，读者也可从中发现他思想上的转变，特别是“容忍与自由”，胡适年岁月大，越觉得“容忍比自由还更重要”。由于涵盖面广，内容丰富，使得本书的可读性大大提升。这些白话演讲和文章都十分浅显易懂，展现了胡适的睿智，使读者了解胡适思想的同时，能帮助读者理解那时学术界的状态，了解当时的世界和中国。在本书中，我们不仅能看到一位侃侃而谈的智者，也可以从他谈话的内容中，体会对加家国的热爱，以及胡适对民主和自由的坚持。

《实体与形式——亚里士多德〈形而上学〉Z卷研究（Z 10-17）》是对《形而上学》Z卷后8章的一个专题的研究。本书将这8章视为一个相对独立的单元，认为它们处理的是实体的整体和部分的关系问题这一相对统一的主题，并将这一主题进一步明确为实际上是实体与形式的关系问题，亦即，形式在实体整体中的地位问题。亚里士多德是循着“什么是实体？”这个Z卷的核心问题的线索（Z 1-3），在厘清了形式与偶性（Z 4-6）、形式与生成（Z 7-9）的关系问题之后，在实体的整体与部分的关系问题这个大的形而上学问题的背景下，就形式实体重新展开深入的研究的。由此，他首先明确了形式实体在实体整体中的首要地位，亦即，它是首要的实体（Z 10-12），然后又对形式实体作为首要的实体的单纯性、统一性、整体性做了深入的论证，表明它不可再被分析为别的实体部分（Z 13-16），后，通过将形式实体与实体存在的原因相关联（Z 17），就为过渡到H卷对实体从原因 – 目的论的角度的研究准备了前提，并为Θ卷中对实体的从潜能和现实的关系出发所进行的形而上学的探讨奠定了基础。

马克思和马克思主义不可分。马克思是马克思主义的创造者，没有马克思就没有以马克思命名的马克思主义。但马克思主义与马克思又不能等同。马克思是具体的个人，是伟大的革命家和思想家；而马克思主义是一个科学的思想理论体系。马克思像所有人一样会逝世，而马克思主义却依然存在和发展。我们对马克思的评价是历史的，像评价所有杰出人物一样，着眼于他的历史贡献；而对马克思主义的评价应该是当代的，像对待所有思想体系一样，着眼于它的当代价值和适用性。当代西方有些学者蓄意在这两者间制造混乱。他们或者把两者完全等同，以马克思逝世已有120年之久为理由，着力于宣扬“马克思主义过时论”；或者着力于马克思与马克思主义的对立，故意孤立地抬高马克思以贬低马克思主义，宣扬当代马克思主义是对马克思的歪曲和篡解。这两种思潮都是我们所不能接受的。

文德编*的《舍与得的人生经营课（全新升级版）（精）》通过一个个生动鲜活的小故事，讲述舍与得的智慧、学问、策略，为读者提供了一种健康智慧的人生心态，一种正确的哲学态度，一种走向幸福与成功的方法，从而帮助读者掌握舍得之道，正确处理有关财富、爱情、健康、家庭等多方面的难题。

《杂著》内容共有五部分：“序言、前言和创刊词”和“书评”，主要是为20世纪90年代以来部分中国佛教与中国哲学论著所作的序言和评论，它从一个侧面反映了佛学和中国哲学学术研究的展。《杂著》中“追念前贤 ”部分记录了几位老师对作者的教育、扶持和恩德。作者方立天五十多年来的治学体会，则汇集在书中的“治学”部分。另有十多篇文章，因不易归属，故列后一部分“其他”之中。

本书通过对魏晋南北朝时期道教的深研究，肯定了“宗教”和“非理性”对人类社会生活的意义，将道教提升到学术层面来探讨，期在重新建构道教思想体系。书中指出，道教作为一种宗教，虽然不同于儒家与道家，但其思想源流却又离不这两家，它从一始就是以儒道互补为特征的。

本书通过考察人本主义马克思主义的总体范畴，阐述了马克思主义的总体观念，发现了马克思主义研究的一个新领域。作者认为，总体范畴在20世纪成为一个重要的哲学范畴是科学发展的结果，总体观念代表了一种与整个近代科学思维方式完全不同的、新的科学的思维方式，在总体范畴的基础上将会建立起一个全新的科学范式。关于人类未来社会的一切构想，也需要从对科学的总体范畴的理解出发，人本主义马克思主义的乌托邦结局不是根源于把总体范畴作为理论前提，而是由于在对总体范畴的理解上出现了偏差。