全书以加强自律、增强“四个定力”的内在逻辑为“骨”，阐述了勇于自我革命、严格自律、增强政治定力、增强纪律定力、增强道德定力、增强抵腐定力、做到慎独慎微、自觉主动接受监督、永葆共产党人政治本色九个方面的问题，本书内容丰富而又详略得当、科学规范而又新颖活泼，对于广大党员干部加强自律、深刻把握慎独慎微、增强“四个定力”的精神实质，切实把总书记的相关指示和要求落到实处，具有很强的指导意义。

欧黎明、于建荣主编的《中国共产党党内监督工作程序与规范(中国共产党党内监督条例学习参考教材)》从党内监督的指导思想、基本原则，党内监督的任务、主要内容、重对象，党委的全面监督、纪委的专责监督等11个方面，对党内监督工作程序与规范做了详细介绍和重阐述。本书对规范党内监督工作、提高党内监督工作水平能起到一定的指导意义。

根据新时期、新任务的要求，一步加强和改党支部工作，充分发挥党支部的推动发展、服务群众、凝聚人心、促和谐的作用，对于推党的建设新的伟大工程、全面建设小康社会、加快社会主义现代化建设，具有十分重要的意义。杨松等编*的《党支部工作规程与方法》以党的十七大精神为指导，依据新党章及现行的党内法规，系统总结了各行各业党支部工作的成功经验，根据新形势、新任务的要求，全面、系统、简明、具体地回答了党支部做好每一项工作的工作规程、方式方法和操作要求。 ?

红旗东方编辑部编的《马上就办（撸起袖子加油干）》共有八个章节：**章“空谈误国，实干兴邦 ”主要论述了实干的重要意义。第二章“实字当头，以干为先”论述了实干是我们党的优良传统，也是对党员干部的基本要求。第三至七章，集中论述了做到 “马上就办”的要求，如必须坚持全心全意为人民服务，必须讲责任、有担当，必须讲执行、有效率，必须有策略、讲科学，必须践行“三严三实”等。这一部分是全书的重，也是做到“马上就办”的方法论。第八章“始于梦想，成于实干”重申了“马上就办 ”对于实现中华民族伟大复兴中国梦的重要意义。

“权力往往使人腐化，*权力*地使人腐化。”（《自由和权力浅说》）——英国勋爵阿克顿如是说。这段话的意义在于，必须对权力施以必要的监督和约束，使任何权力的行使都能够承担相应的责任。 近年来，党员干部中绝大多数人都能按照党和人民的要求，正确行使手中的权力。然而，其中也存在不少害群之马，他们把人民赋予的权力视为谋取个人私利的砝码，把国家的利益、人民的期望和法律的尊严视为儿戏，严重违背了公职人员的职业道德与职责，违纪、违法乃至犯罪。 新华社记者李松的《从政底线》一书，紧紧围绕*总书记提出的20条铁律，论述了各级党员干部，特别是领导干部，如何把守纪律讲规矩摆在更加重要的位置，做一个守纪律、讲规矩的“明白人”。 这20条铁律，对于党员干部来说，既是“紧箍咒”，更是“护身符”。本书以经典的案例、生动的细节、朴实的语言展多维度的论述，说明遵守铁的纪律是党员干部的政治基因，不仅要内化于心，更要外化于行。要造一支纪律严明、干净务实的党员干部队伍，必须要有铁一般的纪律。 作为一部党员干部的廉政教育读本，本书可读性强、知识性强、富有哲理，不少案例评析更是石成金，给人以启示和警醒。

本书深入贯彻习近平总书记在全国组织工作会议上关于党的基层组织建设的重要讲话和十九大报告关于基层组织建设的要求，包括加强基层党组织建设的重要性、提升基层党组织组织力、突出基层党组织政治功能、全面加强各领域基层党建工作、切实发挥党支部职责、加强支部标准化规范化建设、坚持“三会一课”制度、推进基层党组织设置和活动方式创新、扩大党内基层民主、加强基层党组织带头人队伍建设、加强党员队伍建设等方面。本书内容全面、条理清晰、图文并茂、重在实用，是广大党员干部和基层党组织负责人、党务工作者抓好基层党建的重要参考用书。

哈贝马斯在本书中指出了当代资本主义社会的经济、政治和社会文化 系统中存在着四种形式的危机倾向。由于现代技术的高速增长，管理和控 制的过度强调，产生了一系列新的危机，除各种形式的经济危机外，文化 危机(包括人性的自由发展、社会成员对社会的信任和参与动机等问题)， 以及行政系统的合理决策和有效协调等问题，是更严重的危机。

长篇报告文学《血砺忠诚》主要讲述了抗日战争全面爆发后，中央军委决定出兵山东，由萧华将军率东进纵队挺进乐陵，创建冀鲁边区抗日根据地，展示了冀鲁边区抗日根据地从无到有、从小到大的全过程，重现那段难忘的“国家记忆”和“民族记忆”，表现了那个时代的仁人志士和我党的优秀代表对祖国、对民族、对人民的无限忠诚，昭示中华民族走向未来的勇气和信心，向新中国成立70周年献礼

2018年中国迎来改革放40周年，这是总结经验、继续深化改革放的重要时机。本书从历史、成就和经验等多个维度，对改革放的伟大局面行立体式呈现，全面展现改革放40年历程尤其是党的十八以来的新成就，全面回答“为什么说改革放伟大”这个重大问题。本书深贯彻总书记关于全面深化改革的讲话精神，充分展示了改革放40年的伟大成就，深刻认识了改革放是决定当代中国命运的关键一招，是新时期全面解读改革放的重要著作。

【内容简介】 本书为社会科学类论文集，分为专题研究：“四个全面”战略布局、中国特色社会主义与当代中国、马克思主义研究、政治文明、经济建设与社会发展和党的建设六个版块。 本书由中共江苏省委党校中国特色社会主义理论体系研究中心，根据理论热点，组织刊发国内有影响的专家学者，如包心鉴、侯惠勤、郭广银等的关于中国特色社会主义理论与实践研究特别是对五大发展理念的原创研究成果，以深化对重大理论和现实问题的理论阐释，以服务于马克思主义中国化和中国特色社会主义理论体系建设。

【内容简介】 本书为社会科学类论文集，分为治国理政新理念新思想新战略研究、中国特色社会主义与当代中国、马克思主义研究、政治文明、经济建设与社会发展和党的建设六个版块。 本书由中共江苏省委党校中国特色社会主义理论体系研究中心，根据理论热点，组织刊发国内有影响的专家学者关于中国特色社会主义理论与实践研究的原创研究成果，是江苏省委党校在新形势下进一步深化中国特色社会主义理论体系研究，切实把中国特色社会主义理论体系学习宣传和研究引向深入的成果展示。

Get More from your Network with Automation tools to increase its effectiveness. About This Book Get started with network automation (and different automation tasks) with relevant use cases Apply software design principles such as Continuous Integration and DevOps to your network toolkit Guides you through some best practices in automation Who This Book Is For If you are a network engineer looking for an extensive guide to help you automate and manage your network efficiently, then this book is for you. What You Will Learn Get the detailed analysis of Network automation Trigger automations through available data factors Improve data center robustness and security through specific access and data digging Get an Access to APIs from Excel for dynamic reporting Set up a communication with SSH-based devices using netmiko Make full use of practical use cases and best practices to get accustomed with the various aspects of network automation In Detail Network automation is the use of IT controls to supervise and carry out every-day network management functions. It plays a key role in network virtualization technologies and network functions. The book starts by providing an introduction to network automation, SDN, and its applications, which include integrating DevOps tools to automate the network efficiently. It then guides you through different network automation tasks and covers various data digging and reporting methodologies such as IPv6 migration, DC relocations, and interface parsing, all the while retaining security and improving data center robustness. The book then moves on to the use of Python and the management of SSH keys for machine-to-machine (M2M) communication, all followed by practical use cases. The book also covers the importance of Ansible for network automation including best practices in automation, ways to test automated networks using different tools, and other important techniques. By the end of the book, you will be well acquainted with the various aspects of network automation. Style and approach A clear, concise, and straightforward book that will enable you to automate networks and improve performance.

A historical play by William Shakespeare describing the life and death of Richard III. The play begins with Richard describing the accession to the throne of his brother, King Edward IV of England, eldest son of the late Richard, Duke of York. Richard plots to have his brother Clarence, who stands before him in the line of succession, conducted to the Tower of London over a prophecy he bribed a soothsayer to finagle the suspicious King with.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.