讲政治，是党对干部的一贯要求。而讲政治的关键，在于把讲政治落到实处。党的干部能否把讲政治落到实处，既关系到党和人民事业的发展，也关系到自身政治生命的兴衰与政治前途的有无。本书从实践层面论述分析回答了怎样把讲政治落到实处这一重要问题，特就是既有理论性，又有实践性，理论与实践紧密结合。通过阅读本书，党的干部既能认识到讲政治的重要性，更能清楚在社会政治生活中如何把讲政治落到实处，真正做到以知促行，以行促知，知行合一。本书既适合做党的干部提高把讲政治落到实处的素质与能力的阅读书籍，也适合做各级党校、各级党组织对各级干部的培训教材。

想了解西方政治经济的读者不能错过的一套书。其中的作品均为经典之作。《 常识》被作为是北美人民独立战争的纲领，它的思想后来被《独立宣言》所吸收，成为美国政治制度的灵魂。可以说，这本书缔造了现代的美国，是改变美国的一本书。 《国富论》是西方经济学的主要创立者之一，经济学鼻祖亚当?斯密的经济学著作。总结了近代各国资本主义的发展经验，批判地吸纳了它之前的重要经济理论，对国民经济的运行过程作了系统的整体描述，是现代经济学的集大成之作。 《旧制度与大革命》是法国历史学家托克维尔的著作。作者深入地研究了法国大革命相关的文献、档案和历史事件，结合他对自由的认识，回答了下列几个问题：为什么革命首先在法国产生；为什么在旧制度繁荣的时期却加速了革命的发生；为什么大革命后出现的中央集权是旧制度的延续等等。

本书系统、深入地阐释了中国梦的内涵、中国梦与中国道路、中国梦的实现路径和实现中国梦与城镇化道路、破除城乡壁垒、国企监管、收入分配等经济体制改革的内在联系，科学总结出在新形势下实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦的政策选择和努力方向。指出实现中国梦必须走中国道路、弘扬中国精神、凝聚中国力量，这对广大领导干部在改革攻坚期进一步深化重要领域改革、促进中国梦实现具有重要的指导意义。

本书依循我国全面建成小康社会的目标任务要求，对创新、协调、绿色、开放、共享五大发展理念作了全面的解读，并对我国“十三五”时期全面建成小康社会的总目标以及加强和改善党的领导工作进行了详细的论述。希望能够通过一系列深入而具体的阐释对新时期党和国家各方面各领域实践工作提供重要参考和遵循，从而为顺利实现百年奋斗目标和中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦助力。

为进一步促进党员领导干部廉洁从政，根据《中国共产党章程》，结合党员领导干部廉洁自律工作实际，制定本准则。

　　从“*”到国务卿的希拉里，她几乎影响着整个美国的社会、政治生活；康多莉扎·赖斯，美国政治家，同时也是美国历史上位女性非裔美国国务卿，她传奇的政治生涯一直是全世界人们津津乐道的谈资；理查德·布鲁斯·切尼，被认为是美国历*有权势的副总统，同时也是一位等待历史评说的功过兼有的政客……这些美国历史上著名的政客们都有着属于自己的不平凡的经历。 　　 《美国政客》就是通过对美国历史上*影响力的政坛风云人物的传奇事迹进行详尽的描述，进而从客观的角度讲述了他们走向成功道路上所发生的一个个经典事例，讲述了他们一步步走向权力*的全过程。让读者们在阅读之后会有所感悟，有所收获。

作为新时代一名高素质的吃瓜群众，不应该只看到事物的表面。美国大选的实质是什么？两位候选人背后都有着什么样家族和财团背景？高额的选举耗费的金钱从何而来？相爱相杀的背后隐藏着怎样不为人知的故事？选举制度的游戏规则是什么？川普和希拉里究竟谁更有把握胜出？美国的选举制度，到底要走向何方？

本书紧扣廉洁自律主题，以新修订的《中国共产党廉洁自律准则》的八条规范为着眼点，分八章系统阐述党员及党员领导干部应当严格遵守的廉洁自律规范的科学内涵，且每章结尾附有典型案例，理论阐述与事例说明相结合，对新时期广大党员及党员领导干部深刻领会《准则》的立意内涵、把握其精神实质，认真践行《准则》，做廉洁自律的好党员好干部有重要的意义。

我多年提倡要发扬“三创”精神，什么是“三创”呢？就是“创业、创新、创牌”。三者是什么关系？我认为创业是基础，创新是关键，创牌是目标，创业、创新、创牌可以改变企业，可以改变中国。

本书从加强领导干部和公务人员应对突发事件能力的迫切需要出发，详细介绍了突发事件的特征、类型、级别与周期；应对突发事件的基本原则、一般程序、保障体系；应对突发事件的预案、体制、机制和法制；突发事件的预防；应对突发事件中的决策、沟通与心理干预；全面提高应对突发事件的能力；积极应对国际金融危机对我国经济的影响；预防和处置群体性突发事件等方面基本知识和能力要求。附录包括：国家突发公共事件总体应急预案、中华人民共和国突发事件应对法、突发事件自救互救常识。 此外，每章除正文外，都设有“资料链接”、 “案例点评”等，文中穿插了大量图片、资料、统计图、流程图等，大大增强了可读性。

　　“政治前沿新知识文库”以“资政”为视角，聚焦于“国家治理”中公共政策与公共管理、社会建设与社会发展、政府与政党权威、文化、政治与网络、国际问题与国际战略等方面的重大问题，将各学科研究的前沿知识与“国家治理”实践中的重要政治、政策问题结合起来，以中高级党政领导干部和公务员为读者对象，致力于更新其执政理念，提升其执政能力，努力打造一项影响深远的出版工程。

国际关系现代化，就是使国家之间的关系由非现代状态向现代状态转变的过程。本书内容主要包括国际关系现代化的现实基础与环境、国际关系现代化的理论基础、国际关系现代化的目标形态、中国推动国际关系现代化的方略等，如何扮演好新的角色，发挥好国际体系建设者的作用，与国际社会一道推动国际关系进一步现代化，这是中国在推进国家治理现代化进程中面临的一个重大课题。

本书深刻领会党章、党的十八大和十八届三中、四中、五中全会关于选举的精神要旨，严格根据《中国共产党地方组织选举工作条例》《中国共产党基层组织选举工作暂行条例》等党内相关法规的具体要求，充分结合各地党组织换届选举工作的丰富实践和成功经验，将党的地方和基层组织换届选举工作的一般程序进行了梳理。内容包括党组织换届选举工作基本知识、党的地方组织换届选举工作程序与范例、党的基层组织换届选举工作程序与范例和党的地方和基层组织换届选举工作中应注意的问题，是广大地方和基层党组织在换届选举工作中重要的工具用书

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

经过40年的发展，中国特色社会主义理论成为一个内容丰富、结构完整、系统科学的体系。为了整体呈现其发展历程和理论深度，本书在结构上创新性地采取了纵向研究与横向研究相结合的方式。首先，揭示科学内涵。说明了中国特色社会主义理论体系的基本内涵和重要特质，概括了它的思想精髓、理论主题、核心问题，并着重分析其历史地位和重要影响。其次，行纵向研究。分析了中国特色社会主义理论体系的孕育阶段、奠基阶段、丰富阶段、形成阶段、新发展阶段在理论体系形成中的重要地位和重大影响，同时梳理了各个阶段理论创新的历史脉络和发展程。*后，展横向研究。分析了坚持和发展中国特色社会主义的总任务、发展阶段、根本动力、总体布局、依靠力量、祖国统一、内部保障、外部条件和领导力量等关键问题，说明了中国共产党如何坚持科学社会主义基本原则、结合中国国情构建了科学的理论体系，中国特色社会主义理论体系为什么是放的、发展的等问题。

  民营企业与商会党组织是党的基层组织的重要组成部分，是确保党的路线方针政策和决策部署贯彻落实的基础。本书旨在通过总结民营企业和商会党建工作经验，拓展新时代民营企业与商会组织党建工作思路，为持续推动非公有制经济领域党的组织和党的工作覆盖，发挥民营企业和商会党组织在促非公有制经济健康发展和非公有制经济人士健康成长中的积极作用提供有益借鉴。