The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

大国仪兵

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Ця книга — про економ?ку як просту науку, яку здатен збагнути кожен. Автор — корейський економ?ст Ха-Юн Чан? — показу? нам ?закритий? св?т економ?ки, що прихову?ться в?д загалу за купою чисел, заплутаних формул та незрозум?лих терм?н?в. У книз? стверджу?ться: знатися на економ?ц? може ? повинен кожен.??Серед усього ?ншого автор розм?ркову? над причинами св?тово? кризи 2008 року, над тим, чи справд? люди б?дн?, бо л?нив?, а ус? багат? — працьовит?, а також чи може кра?на досягти економ?чних усп?х?в, перестрибнувши через етап ?ндустр?ал?зац??. ? все це — доступною, подекуди жарт?вливою, мовою.??

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

本书以加拿大的中等国家外交思想与国内政治文化为研究主轴，分析与探究了加拿大的“多边外交”的偏好以及自我定位国际政治（危机）中的“斡旋者”和“修复者”的内在政治文化的因素，并对加拿大在全球治理中的“悄悄贡献者”和“影子行为体”角色行了全方位的考察和研究。作者兼顾了当前的中加关系态势，对加拿大涉华智库和知华派以及中加关系的历史发展也行了全面梳理。本书为中国学者、政策决策者以及智库专家和读者提供了*、*系统的加拿大国别研究的专业知识和文本。   

　　希特勒为了能够掌握政权，在宣传上费尽心思，德国的城市，无论大小，都被纳粹分子占领了。纳粹们无视政府、法律，不断挑起党派间、民众间的争斗，德国上下笼罩在恐怖中。政治的恐怖是一方面，另一方面，纳粹德国的战争机器高速运转，他们一面大量生产武器，一面诱导青少年，使之成为杀人的工具。为了战争，纳粹动用了一切可以动用的手段。

 《新中国行政体制改革70年》是“上海市纪念新中国成立70年研究丛书”之一，本书按照时间顺序，主要回顾并梳理总结新中国成立70年来历次行政体制改革的伟大历程和宝贵经验。书中结合大量公历史文献资料、数据等，讲述了政府机构改革、政府职能转变、行政审批制度改革、国家公务员制度发展等主题，对于深化行政体制改革，推国家治理体系和治理能力现代化具有重要意义。

中国悠久灿烂的历史文化是一座智慧的宝藏，是我们祖先用智慧的双手和头脑历经数千年的风雨创造和积累而成的，它如同河蚌中的沙粒经受了痛苦的磨炼和时间的考验，终升华为闪闪发光的珍珠。作为华夏儿女我们没有理由不去阅读这些历史，没有理由不继承这些智慧精华并把它运用于实际。而今天我们所呈现给广大读者的是这其中忠臣良将的谏议谋略与锐利檄文。 中国悠久的历史中涌现出了许许多多的优秀官员，他们刚正不阿，清正廉洁，无私奉献的精神很值得现代人学习和借鉴，而能体现他们这些精神的就是他们对当时朝政的谏议。 古代官场有所谓的“伴君如伴虎”之说，伴君是一门高深的艺术，一个臣子如果既想保住性命又不失其忠心，善于进谏就必不可少，这就使其文章充满了高超的技巧和可昭日月的忠诚。当然，很多时候，这臣子的忠诚已盖过对生命的爱惜，因此这样的一些谏议更是正义凛然，其情感之真诚坚毅，其道理之苦口婆心，让人不得不为之深深动容。 而至于檄文，则多为讨伐类的文章，古代著名的檄文就是陈琳对曹操的讨檄，骆宾王对武则天的讨檄，这两篇檄文读来酣畅淋漓，让人不由得大呼痛快。就连所招讨的对象曹操、武则天都能对其人其文深加折服，其文之精彩可想而知。而我们这里所选编的则是更全面，更系统的古代檄文，虽不能说篇篇都如这两篇檄文那样精彩绝伦，但也都有其可圈可点之处。这些文章由于往往都是有的放矢，故其语言也往往是精辟独道，一针见血，甚而是入木三分，置所讨对手于哑口无言，更对自己的这一方有着极其巨大的鼓动性。 《古代经典谏议檄文》的选编花费了编者大量心力。当然，由于水平和条件所限，肯定还会有所漏。另外，由于时代现实的局限，这些文章中不可避免地暴露出来一些不健康的思想，比如对皇帝的愚忠，动辄以战等等，这是我们必须要注意的，希望读者朋友们能吸其精华，而不为其中那些消极思想所影响。

中国古代官德文化具有悠久的历史和丰富的内容，是历代政治家和思想家不断总结为官从政的经验教训而逐步形成的，在一定程度上揭示了国家治理和官员道德建设的基本规律，凝聚了中华民族丰富的人生智慧和治国理政经验，是当代干部为官从政和修身养德的有益资材。作者立足现代视角，以虔敬、辩证和扬弃的理念，梳理了中国古代官德规范的主要内容，归纳了古代官德的培养与建设方法，总结了古代官德的积极作用，分析了继承古代官德应有的态度，探讨了古代官德建设的启示和当代新型官德建设的途径，从而发挥古代官德文化资政育人的作用。

信息化作为新的反腐手段，以其高效性、便捷性逐渐成为反腐的重要方法。随着网络信息技术和“大数据”深刻影响着社会生活的方方面面，运用信息技术和“大数据”分析等手段来发现“线索”、固定“证据”，成为“让监督插上科技的翅膀”*有力的手段。本书就是基于廉政反腐的信息化视角讨论廉政反腐的理论与信息化实践问题，通过对廉政反腐理论和信息化实践的研究，找到解决问题的方法。本书既可以为各级纪检监察部门和各级政府部门实施廉政反腐的信息化实践提供借鉴和参考，又可以作为各级纪检监察部门工作人员、政府机关工作人员，以及相关专业硕士生和本科生的培训教材，还可以作为各级纪检监察部门和政府机关实施廉政反腐信息化的参考工具。

本书精心选取了世界各国研制的军用飞机，如美国、俄罗斯、英国、法国等，其他具有特色的军用飞机也有收录。本书对每种军用飞机的构造、性能等内容进行了简明扼要的介绍，同时为大家呈现了难得一见的精美大图，让读者有耳目一新的感觉。 本书内容结构严谨、讲解透彻、图片精美丰富、版式新颖别致，不仅适合资深军事爱好者阅读和收藏，还能作为少年儿童的军事启蒙读物。

本书精选了百余种现代特种部队经典作战装备，主要分为主战武器、自卫武器、特战载具和随身装备等，并对每种装备的研制时间、主要构造、作战性能、生产数量、使用单位等情况进行了简明扼要的介绍。 本书结构严谨、分析讲解透彻、图片精美丰富、版式新颖别致，不仅适合资深军事爱好者阅读和收藏，也可作为青少年的军事启蒙读物。

本书精心选取了第二次世界大战以来的三百余种经典陆战武器，涵盖了坦克、装甲车、火炮、导弹、爆炸武器、枪械等多个类别，着重介绍了每种武器的基本信 息、整体结构和作战性能，并附有准确的参数表格。 本书内容结构严谨，分析讲解透彻，图片精美丰富，适合广大军事爱好者阅读和收藏，也可以作为青少年的科普读物。

本系列丛书精心选取世界各国单兵装备的近百种经典枪械、爆破武器、冷兵器等，从每种武器的研发历史、综合性能和武器特点等方面进行介绍，并附有准确详细的参数。通过阅读本书，读者可以全面了解现代单兵武器的发展历程及现状。 本书内容结构严谨，分析讲解透彻，图片精美丰富，适合广大军事爱好者阅读和收藏，也可以作为青少年的科普读物。