The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

Ця книга — про економ?ку як просту науку, яку здатен збагнути кожен. Автор — корейський економ?ст Ха-Юн Чан? — показу? нам ?закритий? св?т економ?ки, що прихову?ться в?д загалу за купою чисел, заплутаних формул та незрозум?лих терм?н?в. У книз? стверджу?ться: знатися на економ?ц? може ? повинен кожен.??Серед усього ?ншого автор розм?ркову? над причинами св?тово? кризи 2008 року, над тим, чи справд? люди б?дн?, бо л?нив?, а ус? багат? — працьовит?, а також чи може кра?на досягти економ?чних усп?х?в, перестрибнувши через етап ?ндустр?ал?зац??. ? все це — доступною, подекуди жарт?вливою, мовою.??

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

本书是韩保江对中国特色社会主义经济问题的思索的整理总结。全书共四十七篇文章，共六个章节，分别从社会主义市场经济体制的建立与完善、完善基本经济制度与国有企业改革、发展理念创新与中国发展模式、经济增长理论与经济增长动力、经济结构调整与发展模式转变、城乡协调与区域平衡发展等六个方面系统论述中国特色社会主义政治经济学，具有较高的学术理论价值。作者韩保江，教授职称，现为中央党校经济学部主任，曾主持多项国家重点课题的研究，参与多项国家重大决策的调研和咨询工作，对经济体制改革、国有企业改革、收入分配、跨国公司、经济全球化等问题有独到研究。

本书是知名国际问题专家马晓霖的国际时政专栏文集，作者基于长期一线采访和深入学术研究，精通中东地区事务，并对诸多热点问题的走势做出过比较精准的预测。本书涉及中东近十二年来重大问题和局势演变，包括巴以冲突、伊拉克战争、叙利亚内战、“阿拉伯之春”巨变、伊朗核危机、恐怖主义浪潮、能源安全、大国地区博弈，以及中国中东外交等多个方面。作者以新闻记者的敏锐嗅觉、学术专家的深厚功力，以及专栏作家的优美文笔，系统梳理和全面呈现了当代中东复杂的地缘争端图景。

新时代，信仰执着，服从大局，立场坚定，对党、对人民、对国家“献至诚”，应该是党员干部在政治忠诚上达到的境界。本书分七章介绍了“忠诚是中华民族优秀传统文化的精华”“政治忠诚是共产党人的基本政治伦理”“政治忠诚是党员干 部首要的政治品质”等内容，摆事实、讲道理，着重强调了当前新历史时期下政治忠诚的重要性，全面阐述了新时期对党员干部政治忠诚的具体要求，内容生动、条理清晰、逻辑性强，是一本适合党员干部阅读的通俗读物，有较强的实践指导价值和可读性。

本书以十九大精神和习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指针，阐述了新时代领导干部克服“本领恐慌”、提高领导能力的65个专题，从总体框架、篇目组合到文字阐述，立意新颖、脉络清晰、旁征博引、娓娓道来，精选案例简而不疏，阐释道 理简明精炼，内容丰富，可读性和实用性很强。

梳理了美国战略与国际研究中心、美国兰德公司、美国布鲁金斯学会、俄罗斯外交与国防政策委员会、莫斯科卡内基中心、欧盟安全研究所、英国国际战略研究所、英国皇家国际事务研究所、法国国际关系研究所、法国战略研究基金会、德国国际与安全事务研究所、德国阿登纳基金会、瑞典斯德哥尔摩国际和平研究所、挪威奥斯陆国际和平研究所、澳大利亚洛伊国际政策研究所、日本防卫省防卫研究所、印度地面战争研究中心、巴西伊加拉佩研究所等全球112家著名智库近年来发布的研究成果。涵盖了国际秩序、美国霸权、全球安全威胁与挑战；美国、北约、欧盟、俄罗斯、日本、印度等主要国家/国家集团防务政策与军事战略走向；军备发展、核态势；海洋、太空、网络、极地等安全威胁与应对；阿富汗战争、乌克兰危机、中东和北非乱局、叙利亚和伊拉克乱战、国际反恐战争等20个重大议题。收录了专著、研究报告、政策简报、研讨会摘要、论文、白皮书、备忘录、战略卷宗、工作草案、背景资料、证词、讲演、访谈、评论、书评、随笔、博客、新闻稿等各类成果563篇，以及图表132幅。

本书对现有国际关系理论中关于美国面临的体系约束的观一一行了分析，得出了与传统国际关系知识相反的结论。两位作者认为，美国的强大实力并不会招致制衡行为，正因为美国拥有压倒性的经济和军事实力，从而在国际体系中占据*优势地位，其他国家不敢轻易同美国竞争。即使大多数国家倡导多极体系，但由于各国在各种国际制度安排中享受着美国提供的公共产品，出于对机会成本的考量，各大国也很难采取实质行动去制衡美国的权力。因此，在目前的国际体系中，美国的权力并没有受到来自结构的约束，其首要地位可能将会长期存在，美国有机会利用其能力去促其安全利益。

大数据在我国政府管理场景中的应用实践案例读本，全面展示我国电子政务与数字化建设的成果，深度理解实施国家大数据战略的重要意义。 本书作者作为国内*早从事大数据应用研究的实践者之一，亲历了中国大数据的发展历程、主要事件、应用案例以及行业变化。 在本书中，作者将其所亲历的大数据发展历程行了阐述，从大数据的基本概念、特到实践解读，通俗易懂，给我们的实际工作提供了重要参考。作者将帮助读者，尤其是政府部门工作人员，认识和了解大数据的魅力和价值，直观地理解大数据运用与分析，在大数据的基础上行有效的政务管理并做出正确的决策，从而提升组织和个人的数据素养。

《邓小平实录》由中央文献研究室专家倾力创作，在体例上按时间顺序编排，共分四卷十编，每一编又分为历程、交往、珍闻三个部分，从多角度翔实地记述了邓小平从出生、成长到参加革命、参与和领导国家建设的各个时期的经历，全面再现了一代伟人光辉而曲折的一生。 　　本书收录了邓小平的秘书、同事、战友等身边人的一手资料，真实还原了领袖人物之间的交往、关系，以及重大事件的策划、发生始末，深度披露了邓小平在历次战争、革命、运动中起落的真相，全景式描述了邓小平的改革心路与实践历程，以及中国建设、外交大战略的形成。 　　本卷为第二卷，讲述了1945—1966年邓小平兵出鲁西南、挺大别山、逐鹿中原、参加淮海战役、管南京、军大西南、和平解放西藏、担任十年总书记等经历，同时记录了邓小平与朱德、贺龙、陈毅、陈赓、费孝通、吴晗等人的交往与情谊，以及邓小平巧渡黄河、鏖战羊山集、强渡汝河、批评“五里腿”、陷遵义会议纪念馆风波、提出“猫论”等逸闻趣事。

本书内容包括了中央批准研制核潜艇、苏联拒绝援助核技术、决心自主研究核潜艇、研制工作搁浅与上马、攻克难关、核潜艇总体设计诞生、核反应堆试验成功、核潜艇空调系统诞生、研究成功惯性导航仪、声纳系统研制成功、成功试验超长波通讯、总体组装建造完成等。