本书内容简介：太平洋战争是人类史上*规模的海战，是民主力量与法西斯势力在全球广阔海域的大冲撞。参战国家多达37个，涉及人口超过15亿，交战双方动员兵力在6000万以上，历时3年零8个月，伤亡和损失难以统计。对参加太平洋战争的人来说，太平津战争代表的绝　　不仅仅是个名词，而是一种感情，这种感情代表着空中殊死的战斗、太洋上残酷的海战，为供应和修建所作的狂热努力，在潮湿的丛林和岛屿中进行的血腥搏斗，划破黑夜的凄厉的炸弹声和军舰炮轰震耳欲聋的爆炸声。 　　浩瀚的大洋上处处充满杀机，数百万人舍生忘死的搏杀，让这个大时代充满了金属的碰撞与思想的交锋。 　　战争遗留了多少残骸？大地寸寸触目皆是，人心几成一面石碑，锲满伤痕般的文字！

　　在理智与疯狂之间，只有一道细细的红线，用这句美国谚语来形容二战中同盟国和法西斯的王牌部队，实在是恰当不过。对于“大德意志”师、第52战斗机联队和武装党卫队等五大装甲师来说，他们令人瞠目结舌的“战绩”就建立在累累白骨之上，想想达豪集中营中的亡魂，阿登森林中被虐杀的战俘和列宁格勒遍地的饿殍，类似于这样的“王牌”越多，和平就越发遥遥无期。对于皇家空军战斗机部队、第82空降师来说，他们的孤胆向前和并肩战斗则是为了和平之光的早日到来，他们中的每一个人都可以像、101空降师E连连长温斯特少校那样回答世人：“我不是大战中的英雄，但我和英雄们一起服役。”

翻开《读懂中国》这本书之前，读者可能会思索，应该由谁来“读”中国？从什么角度“读”中国？如何衡量“懂”与“不懂”？解读的结果，是对外的沟通还是对内的自省？这些问题不会有标准答案，却又在书中得到实实在在的回答。《读懂中国》由李宇宏所著，《读懂中国》中汇集了来自十多个专门研究领域的22位国际著名学者和教授，他们以坦诚、真实、乐观的态度全面解读中国，向读者展示了中国的国际印象。他们对中国的思索从不同的视角交相辉映，整合成为一套多元又系统的思路，为广大中国读者打开了一扇开阔视野的窗。 作者李宇宏曾经是一名记者，在纽约旅居多年，后来又辗转香港。她在书中对近二十位来自耶鲁大学、哈佛大学等名校的*学者进行了深度访谈，涵盖了法学、哲学、医学、环境学等多个领域。这本书就像是名校公开课的集锦，以文字的方式给了我们一次心灵给养的机会。

本书是中国高校工会第17次宣传思想工作研讨会交流论文集。这些论文结合学习贯彻党的十八大和中国工会十六大精神，从中国特色社会主义工会发展道路、民主管理和教代会建设、维护权益与构筑和谐、教职工队伍建设、工会自身建设等方面探索新形势下的高校工会工作，既有理论探讨，又有坚实的实践基础，对推动高校工会工作创新和理论创新具有重要意义。本书适合高校工会工作者，从事高等教育的教师、学者等阅读。

本书从理论和实证两个维度，开展应用导向型的综合研究。针对我国政府管理体制以及电子政务信息职员工向的现实需求，在国内首次从交叉学科的理论视角，研究G2G点至政务的动力机制及推进方法。选取国内政府电子政府成功案例开展证实研究，经过大量的研究和计算，科学地归纳分析出G2G电子政务的协同效率改进方法，本书主要研究政府信息共享和政务协同的实现方式、推进机制和效率改进，为我国电子政务建设提供参考方案。

武器是用于攻击的工具，也被用来进行威慑和防御。任何可造成伤害的东西，甚至可造成心理伤害的物品都可称为武器。武器家族的成员众多，随着科技的不断进步，新的成员更是层出不穷。可以说，武器总是推动着科学技术的不断发展。

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Ця книга — про економ?ку як просту науку, яку здатен збагнути кожен. Автор — корейський економ?ст Ха-Юн Чан? — показу? нам ?закритий? св?т економ?ки, що прихову?ться в?д загалу за купою чисел, заплутаних формул та незрозум?лих терм?н?в. У книз? стверджу?ться: знатися на економ?ц? може ? повинен кожен.??Серед усього ?ншого автор розм?ркову? над причинами св?тово? кризи 2008 року, над тим, чи справд? люди б?дн?, бо л?нив?, а ус? багат? — працьовит?, а також чи може кра?на досягти економ?чних усп?х?в, перестрибнувши через етап ?ндустр?ал?зац??. ? все це — доступною, подекуди жарт?вливою, мовою.??

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

  民营企业与商会党组织是党的基层组织的重要组成部分，是确保党的路线方针政策和决策部署贯彻落实的基础。本书旨在通过总结民营企业和商会党建工作经验，拓展新时代民营企业与商会组织党建工作思路，为持续推动非公有制经济领域党的组织和党的工作覆盖，发挥民营企业和商会党组织在促非公有制经济健康发展和非公有制经济人士健康成长中的积极作用提供有益借鉴。

习近平总书记指出：“我们要重视家庭文明建设，努力使千千万万个家庭成为国家发展、民族进步、社会和谐的重要基点，成为人们梦想启航的地方。”这不仅为当前把家庭文明建设抓实抓好提供了基本遵循，同时也意味着注重家风是党风廉政建设的重要组成部分、全面从严治党的重要一环。

在全面从严治党的新时代，严把党关口、确保党员质量是从严管理党员队伍、落实全面从严治党战略部署的重要保障。 在新形势下，加强党培训教育尤为重要。本书主要根据十八大新修订的《党章》、党的十八大报告、十八届三中、四中、五中全会精神和*总书记系列重要讲话精神，结合党员队伍建设的实际编写而成。 本书紧密围绕“为什么要加中国共产党”、“怎样加中国共产党”、“共产党员应当具备的基本素质和能力”三个部分展，梳理了一些基本的理论问题，是党培训的教材。 （附2012年11月14日通过的中国共产党章程及课后检测题）

中国凭什么取得巨大成就？但为什么人们又感觉危机四伏？为什么中华历代政府都强调对百姓的“责任”和“道义”？共产党搞革命需要人民，搞建设是否不再需要人民而只需要资本家和资本？为什么说“大家庭”观是中华万世一系的社会核心价值观？为什么政府能办大事却管不了亿万家庭的小事？为什么说决定“政府与市场关系”的是民心？如何实现老百姓养小、送老、住房的公正？中国农村贫困的根源是什么？新农村建设的主体是谁？农地应该“流转集中”到谁手里？ 本书纵论21世纪的世界大势，以贯通中西的视野聚焦中国真问题。书中阐述了中国共产党如何从中国悠久的“民本”政治传统中汲取精华,提高组织社会和群众的能力 ；分析了中共如何提高思想能力，对社会主义理论和话语推陈出新；探讨了当前国家治理的核心任务；讨论了社会主义新农村建设中关于土地流转方向等关键问题。 ????书中提出，人类生产方式正面临第二次大转折，由此带来“生产资料所有权”的衰落与“知识产权”的崛起，“代议民主”的衰落和“群众民主”的崛起。书中鲜明批判了“制度决定论”，提出党和政府应强调问题意识和政策导向，抓主要矛盾，在办好经济建设的“大事”的同时，以社会主义的方式组织人民办好养小、送老、住房等民生“小事”。书中分析了科层系统的优劣，提出重建社区扁平组织，强化科层系统与扁平组织的沟通，乃是我国的“久安之道”。