20世纪上半期，西方资本主义世界陷动荡与危机。在此大背景下，马克思主义始在西方国家蓬勃发展起来。第二国际理论家关于马克思主义的论争、西方共产党理论家对马克思主义的阐发、西方马克思主义奠基人对马克思主义的新阐释以及法兰克福学派批判理论的形成与发展，都极大地促了马克思主义在西方主要国家传播、研究与发展。不断出现的经济危机及其催生的法西斯主义，让当时的西方马克思主义学者将目光转向人、转向社会现实，以马克思主义辩证法对这一时期的资本主义行了*深刻的批判。与此同时，对苏联经济发展史的研究又走向了新的方面。以多布为代表的西方经济学家始致力于阐释和发展马克思劳动价值论、剩余价值论，积极评价马克思主义政治经济学原理及苏联的新经济政策，并据此研究社会主义计划经济和经济增长、不发达国家经济发展以及当代资本主义经济发展等理论问题。可以说，理解20世纪上半期马克思主义在西方国家的发展，是客观、准确、深度把握整体马克思主义发展史不可逾越的一环。

市民社会是一个关涉多学科的问题，其理论思潮之庞杂、历史内涵之丰富使得如何总体性地把握这一分析路径成为一个难题。本书稿以市民社会“概念”的演变——市民社会－资产阶级社会－垄断资产阶级社会（帝国主义）－晚期资本主义社会——作为核心的关节，试图贯穿起马克思主义分析路径的中心逻辑。

中国特色社会主义教育发展道路，是中国特色社会主义道路的重要组成部分。本书首先整体呈现了当代中国教育三十年多的演化脉络和总体状态，对若干个纲领性文件以及教育事业取得的成就和展行总结；继而探讨了教育发展过程中重要而有待深化的问题；*后是面向未来的思考，对中国特色社会主义教育制度的完善、加强党的领导等重大问题行了系统梳理，提炼坚定不移地走中国特色社会主义教育发展道路的重大意义。

《为什么美国人恨政治》梳理了1960年代以来美国自由主义与保守主义在一系列核心问题上的不断分化，他们为了赢得选举，不惜一次次撕裂社会共识，置美国人民于不顾。本书的核心观是，观念对政治的塑造，远远超过大部分关于公共生活的记录通常承认的程度。核心论是，自由主义和保守主义长久以来把政治议题设定为一系列的虚假选择，美国政治中的许多问题都可以追溯到美国主导意识形态的失败。自由主义和保守主义被各自的矛盾所折磨，为了对自己形形色色的选民的需求做出回应，不容许他们国家去解决那些被*困扰的问题。

从历史走向现在，今日之中国，青年依旧*富有朝气，*富有梦想。广大青年汇聚起磅礴青春力量，在拥抱新时代、奋进新时代的今天，接过时代赋予的使命，终将使中华民族伟大复兴的梦想变为现实。 作为万千中国青年之一，文泽平从偏僻小山村走出，带领上千年轻人创业打拼，从创富到共富，他将“达者兼济天下”的古老中华文明传承于心。 本书主要阐释作者的人生观、价值观、国家观三个核心理念，在不同阶段如何发展及其不同侧重点，以及作者如何根据上述理念更好地坚持和突破挑战。作者对“爱国、进步、民主、科学”五四精神的传承，亲身奋斗的实践，向青年人传递出正确的价值观，表达一种新的青年思想，塑造一个新时代下青年榜样的力量。

上海是中国共产党诞生和成长的见证者，城市血脉中流淌着红色基因。为纪念中国共产党诞生一百周年，上海市委宣传部、上海作协联合邀请有名报告文学家、中国作协副主席何建明创作一部聚焦反映中国共产党在上海十二年（1921-1932）历程并联系当代上海发展的长篇报告文学《起点》。上海作协还组织了程小莹、陈晨、王萌萌、吴越、吴海勇、杨秀丽等一批有创作热情和能力的中青年作家，创作一系列反映上海“红色起点”主题，体现党的诞生地意识的系列纪实文学。

本书撷取了260则古今中外关于治理的小故事，这些故事或来自经典论著，或来自史料笔记，或来自哲理寓言，还有相当一部分源于朋友间的分享推荐。全书故事虽然主题不同，情节各异，语言风格有庄有谐，但都蕴含着启人深思的大道理。每则故事读罢，观照自身，观诸现实，对何为从政之德、理政之道、治政之策，多少总会有些省思体悟。 一个地方要在区域竞争中脱颖而出，必须有一批富有治理智慧的善政者在方向上领路、在拓前谋划、在实干中通变。作者结合大量古今治理案例，运用相当篇幅对“怎么能做好”的理性思考和“如何干成事”的行动本领行了阐发，其间所蕴含的谋事成事之法，值得反复咀嚼体会。

A historical play by William Shakespeare describing the life and death of Richard III. The play begins with Richard describing the accession to the throne of his brother, King Edward IV of England, eldest son of the late Richard, Duke of York. Richard plots to have his brother Clarence, who stands before him in the line of succession, conducted to the Tower of London over a prophecy he bribed a soothsayer to finagle the suspicious King with.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

大数据在我国政府管理场景中的应用实践案例读本，全面展示我国电子政务与数字化建设的成果，深度理解实施国家大数据战略的重要意义。 本书作者作为国内*早从事大数据应用研究的实践者之一，亲历了中国大数据的发展历程、主要事件、应用案例以及行业变化。 在本书中，作者将其所亲历的大数据发展历程行了阐述，从大数据的基本概念、特到实践解读，通俗易懂，给我们的实际工作提供了重要参考。作者将帮助读者，尤其是政府部门工作人员，认识和了解大数据的魅力和价值，直观地理解大数据运用与分析，在大数据的基础上行有效的政务管理并做出正确的决策，从而提升组织和个人的数据素养。

张士义，刘志新主编的《新时代党的作风和纪律建设》主要围绕党的作风建设和纪律建设的重要性，分九章的篇幅系统阐述了加强党的作风和纪律建设的理论依据和现实路径，同时也为我们党的作风和纪律建设提供了方法和实践借鉴，对进一步加强党的作风和纪律建设具有一定的参考意义。

本书紧扣党的十九大对新时代农村党建工作的新要求新部署新任务，详细阐述了农村基层党组织的地位作用和设置方式、活动方式的创新，着重分析了如何加强农村基层党组织带头人队伍建设和农村党员队伍建设，并在加强农村基层学习型服务型创新型党组织建设、农村基层党组织制度建设、农村精神文明建设、农村基层党风廉政建设、大力实施乡村振兴战略等方面进行了细致探讨。本书对于广大党建工作者做好新时代农村党建工作具有很强的指导意义，是推进新时代农村党建工作的重要学习读物。

伟大的事业必须有坚强的党来领导。党的十九大指出，领导十三亿多人的社会主义大国，我们党既要政治过硬，也要本领高强。本书从增强学习本领、政治领导本领、改革创新本领、科学发展本领、依法执政本领、群众工作本领、狠抓落实本领、驾驭风险本领八个方面着手，系统阐述了新时代切实增强党的执政本领的理论内涵、目标要求和现实路径，这八个方面构成了执政本领的基本要素，覆盖了执政能力建设的方方面面，是我们党在新时代提高执政本领的总体要求和具体举措，本书对于党员干部在新时代加强、提升自身履职能力和执政本领具有一定的指导意义。

本书基于马克思主义的公平理论和城乡关系学说，紧密结合中国农村40年改革发展的实践特别是十八大以来完善城乡关系的不断探索，运用现代发展经济学的分析框架，认真梳理了我国“三农”政策的历史演进，回顾总结了“三农”工作的经验教训，在分析了城乡融合发展的现实基础并借鉴了国外城乡融合发展之有益做法的基础上，着重探讨了中国在进入新时代的全新背景下，实施乡村振兴战略进而实现中国特色城乡融合发展的目标体系、动力机制、可行路径和制度保障及制度创新，对全面建成小康社会和实现城乡融合发展提供了相应的理论支撑和可操作的实践思路。