《社区党组织建设工作实务》围绕社区党组织的定位、设置、选举；社区“两新组织”体系建设；在社区深推“三有一化”建设；加强村改社区、新建小区党建工作；推网格化管理、组团式服务，不断提高社区党组织社会管理能力和服务群众能力等方面系统地论述了街道社区党建工作的方式方法、工作程序和操作规程。是社区党组织贯彻落实基层组织建设年实施意见，深化创先争优活动的参考用书。

面对决胜全面建成小康社会的艰巨任务，面对实现中华民族伟大复兴的历史使命，党员干部须做到居安思危、敬终如始。新时代已经带来了发展新要求、新课题，本书涵盖了谁出卷、谁答卷、谁阅卷等几个方面的内容，倡导党员干部要做到信念过硬、政治过硬、责任过硬、能力过硬、作风过硬，全面阐述了新时代对答卷人的新要求，帮助广大党员干部成为新时代合格答卷人。

由李俊伟、徐云鹏和赵晓刚共同编*的《新编预 备党员培训教材（2017版）》一书紧扣党的十八大、 十八届六中中全会精神以及中国梦、培养和践行社会 主义核心价值观等相关理论知识和《关于加强新形势 下发展党员和党员管理工作的意见》精神，分十二章 主要对确立预备期的意义、预备党员应该具备的素质 、预备党员转正的程序等行了介绍。每章的*后部 分是针对本章内容中关于预备党员的培养、教育、管 理工作中的疑难解析。本书版式新颖，内容紧扣主题 ，观**、准确，语言通俗，对预备党员如何渡过 预备期达到党员要求，从而真正成为一名共产党员将 起到很好的帮助和指导作用。此外，也可作为“新党 员培训工程”的选用教材之一。

本书以十九大精神和习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指针，阐述了新时代领导干部克服“本领恐慌”、提高领导能力的65个专题，从总体框架、篇目组合到文字阐述，立意新颖、脉络清晰、旁征博引、娓娓道来，精选案例简而不疏，阐释道 理简明精炼，内容丰富，可读性和实用性很强。

梳理了美国战略与国际研究中心、美国兰德公司、美国布鲁金斯学会、俄罗斯外交与国防政策委员会、莫斯科卡内基中心、欧盟安全研究所、英国国际战略研究所、英国皇家国际事务研究所、法国国际关系研究所、法国战略研究基金会、德国国际与安全事务研究所、德国阿登纳基金会、瑞典斯德哥尔摩国际和平研究所、挪威奥斯陆国际和平研究所、澳大利亚洛伊国际政策研究所、日本防卫省防卫研究所、印度地面战争研究中心、巴西伊加拉佩研究所等全球112家著名智库近年来发布的研究成果。涵盖了国际秩序、美国霸权、全球安全威胁与挑战；美国、北约、欧盟、俄罗斯、日本、印度等主要国家/国家集团防务政策与军事战略走向；军备发展、核态势；海洋、太空、网络、极地等安全威胁与应对；阿富汗战争、乌克兰危机、中东和北非乱局、叙利亚和伊拉克乱战、国际反恐战争等20个重大议题。收录了专著、研究报告、政策简报、研讨会摘要、论文、白皮书、备忘录、战略卷宗、工作草案、背景资料、证词、讲演、访谈、评论、书评、随笔、博客、新闻稿等各类成果563篇，以及图表132幅。

新时代，信仰执着，服从大局，立场坚定，对党、对人民、对国家“献至诚”，应该是党员干部在政治忠诚上达到的境界。本书分七章介绍了“忠诚是中华民族优秀传统文化的精华”“政治忠诚是共产党人的基本政治伦理”“政治忠诚是党员干 部首要的政治品质”等内容，摆事实、讲道理，着重强调了当前新历史时期下政治忠诚的重要性，全面阐述了新时期对党员干部政治忠诚的具体要求，内容生动、条理清晰、逻辑性强，是一本适合党员干部阅读的通俗读物，有较强的实践指导价值和可读性。

内容简????? 介本书总结了2016年以来理论创新的*成果，紧密结合党中央的一系列会议、文件的*精神，对广大党员干部理论学习的热、重、难问题行深浅出的分析，内容涉及坚持道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信，启全面从严治党新征程，以新发展理念引领发展，把文化自信写“中国方案”，深推供给侧结构性改革，让“两学一做”在潜移默化中见长效，烧旺党内政治生活“大熔炉”，织密党内监督之网，用好监督执纪“四种形态”等18个方面，为党员干部更好地理解和把握党的创新理论成果提供有益参考。

本书以适应军队信息化建设，提升基于信息系统的体系作战能力为指导，从信息系统的基本原理手，以各类军事信息系统为主体，重呈现多种类型军事信息系统的组成、结构、原理及发展趋势。本书内容分为三个部分，共10章。*部分包括第1章和第2章，主要介绍军事信息系统相关的基础知识，军事信息系统的发展、地位和作用，并对军事信息系统的结构组成和系统分类行归纳和总结；第二部分包括第3章至第8章，主要介绍不同类型、不同功能的军事信息系统的结构组成、工作原理、现状和发展趋势，包括预警探测系统、情报侦察系统、导航定位系统、军事通信系统和数据、指挥控制系统、综合保障系统等；第三部分包括第9章和第10章，主要介绍军事信息系统中相关军事领域的主要关键技术，以及目前国外军队及我国台湾地区军队的典型军事信息系统。

　　本书辑录了自上世纪50年代初以来大船集团建造的不同型号的巍峨巨舰，旨在反映海军舰艇发展历史上取得的辉煌成就，让更多的人了解历史，了解国防现代化建设成果，展望祖国未来。

2018年中国迎来改革放40周年，这是总结经验、继续深化改革放的重要时机。本书从历史、成就和经验等多个维度，对改革放的伟大局面行立体式呈现，全面展现改革放40年历程尤其是党的十八以来的新成就，全面回答“为什么说改革放伟大”这个重大问题。本书深贯彻总书记关于全面深化改革的讲话精神，充分展示了改革放40年的伟大成就，深刻认识了改革放是决定当代中国命运的关键一招，是新时期全面解读改革放的重要著作。

中国早在20世纪80年代就出现了对应用哲学的关注，但基本限定在马克思主义哲学体系之下，主要问题意识是将马克思主义哲学的实践观和唯物认识论应用于其他社会科学乃至自然科学领域。这奠定了今日主要应用哲学分支（例如经济哲学、教育哲学、管理哲学等）的基本学科结构，但已经远远不能适应今天突飞猛的现实。我们将从当代中国哲学创新、构建大哲学的视角审定应用哲学的定位、学科属性，回答当代中国哲学发展的重大问题，提出未来前行的可能路径。

本书深入贯彻习近平总书记在全国组织工作会议上关于党的基层组织建设的重要讲话和十九大报告关于基层组织建设的要求，包括加强基层党组织建设的重要性、提升基层党组织组织力、突出基层党组织政治功能、全面加强各领域基层党建工作、切实发挥党支部职责、加强支部标准化规范化建设、坚持“三会一课”制度、推进基层党组织设置和活动方式创新、扩大党内基层民主、加强基层党组织带头人队伍建设、加强党员队伍建设等方面。本书内容全面、条理清晰、图文并茂、重在实用，是广大党员干部和基层党组织负责人、党务工作者抓好基层党建的重要参考用书。

2018年以来，半月谈关于基层治理现代化的报道引发了基层与高层的高度关注，响了基层治理的品牌。但是半月谈基层治理稿件散见于每一本期刊或者互联网的汪洋大海中，是一种碎片化传播，尚未形成规模集中效应。 为了一步扩大半月谈基层治理品牌的影响力，可将有关刊发基层治理稿件重新编辑集结成书。这样既可以重新放大稿件的影响力，塑造一个图书品牌，也为基层干部、有关专家学者提供新的观察范本。 一个群体，牵动基层治理的痛感“神经”，29篇文章，图文并茂，严肃又活泼生动描绘基层干部问题现状； 一份清单，“基层十大痛”引发共鸣，37篇文章，梳理提炼出基层干部反映强烈的“十大痛”即:督查检查频繁、问责滥用、压力“甩锅”、处处留痕、材料论英雄、庸懒干部、典型速成、政策架、上升“天花板”、幸福感缺失。 一份决心，扎根元在*基层，痛医除靶明，23篇文章，23个经典案例，智慧城管，集成改革，双建双培，大数据互联网 全国各地治理经验，八仙过海，各显神通； 一种聚焦，聚焦乡村振兴，通“*后一公里” 12篇聚焦乡村振兴，新经验、新探索，新模式、新路径助力基层治理突围。 一个智库，厚载“面向基层”的传统基因。15篇文章，通过脚力、眼力、脑力和笔力，强化调查研究;通过引借外脑外智外力，优化思想来源。 一份关注，中央发起“基层减负年”，彰显了中央心系基层、关爱基层的为民情怀 6份文件，一系列实招新举，措施精准，说明中央对基层治理问题高度重视，并施以重拳。有理由相信，破解基层治理难题，将不再是一道难题。

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.