生态危机始于西方发达资本主义国家。西方马克思主义者以及西方左翼学者对资本主义生态危机行了系统的分析和批判，并初步形成了生态马克思主义、生态社会主义和生态帝国主义三种主要理论体系，继而对中国所倡导的生态文明建设行了探索和研究。本书的研究绝大多数来自美国、英国、德国、日本、英国、法国、奥地利等西方主要发达资本主义国家，也有来自资本主义发展中国家的印度，其思想基本能够反应出西方马克思主义者如何应对资本主义生态危机，对中国生态文明建设乃至世界生态文明建设具有重要借鉴意义。

新帝国主义的本质何在？新帝国主义与全球化之间是什么关系？如何消除新帝国主义？马克思主义的经典帝国主义理论，对于认识新帝国主义是否仍然是重要的和必要的？所有这些问题都是当代马克思主义需要思考和回答的重要理论和实践问题。正是按照这样的逻辑，本书分为“新帝国主义的实质”、“新帝国主义与全球化”、“新帝国主义的替代路径”和“经典理论的当代价值”等四个部分，反映了新世纪以来国外马克思主义者所发表的成果，其反思和论证都是深且富有启发的。

这是一套经典政治经济哲学书,包括《查拉图斯特拉如是说》《美国宪法的经济解释》《哲思录》《常识：影响世界历史里程的书》《道德情操论》《社会契约论》《国富论》等共8册。 对此类经典著作感兴趣的读者,本套书值得收藏,反复阅读。

1944～1945年，从太平洋中部到日本本土，美国跨越全面战争门槛。在马里亚纳群岛战役中，第五舰队一路向西，引出日本的整个航母舰队，捣毁日军据；陆战队正面登陆有数万防御兵力的塞班岛，在短短两个月内相继攻塞班、关岛、天宁三岛；陆军航空队首次大范围空投凝固汽油弹，火攻东京，使在劫难逃的敌军陷地狱般的火海。一系列战役帮助美军辟了通向日本的空中走廊，使美军得以向日本本土投掷原子弹——这是人类有史以来*次在战争中动用核武器。 基于*学术研究、大量一手资料及个人叙述，霍恩费舍尔以其电影般的笔触与敏锐的洞察力，记录了二战改变全球命运的*后一幕。在这本书中，作者着重讲述了步兵营、海军特遣队和航空中队等形形色色的作战部队在马里亚纳群岛战役中如何行调遣，如何同仇敌忾，赢了这场跨半球的全面战争。同时也记录了这场民族与文化的冲突: 面对穷途末路依旧以死相拼的敌军，是否存在合乎道义的方式？比起将敌人活活饿死，用子弹射杀是否更加人道？面对宁愿举家赴死也不愿被俘的日本平民，美军是否要突破道德界限，将炮火对准无辜的平民？ 时至今日，世界仍然动荡不安，本书既是对勇者的绝佳纪念，也是对世人的一种告诫。

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

大国仪兵

Ця книга — про економ?ку як просту науку, яку здатен збагнути кожен. Автор — корейський економ?ст Ха-Юн Чан? — показу? нам ?закритий? св?т економ?ки, що прихову?ться в?д загалу за купою чисел, заплутаних формул та незрозум?лих терм?н?в. У книз? стверджу?ться: знатися на економ?ц? може ? повинен кожен.??Серед усього ?ншого автор розм?ркову? над причинами св?тово? кризи 2008 року, над тим, чи справд? люди б?дн?, бо л?нив?, а ус? багат? — працьовит?, а також чи може кра?на досягти економ?чних усп?х?в, перестрибнувши через етап ?ндустр?ал?зац??. ? все це — доступною, подекуди жарт?вливою, мовою.??

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

Matchlock, wheel lock, flintlock and caplock; .44 or 9mm; revolver and automatic – the history of pistols and revolvers is a fascinating journey through the development of hand-held firearms technology. From early hand cannon of the late 14th century to the latest automatics and machine pistols, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers traces the development of these small arms as they evolved over the centuries. From a Thirty Years’ War wheel lock to today’s Beretta 92, from the Luger to the Colt to the latest Ruger, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers offers a narrative history of the classics among these firearms. Throughout the book there are technical specifications for featured firearms. Illustrated with more than 250 colour and black-and-white artworks and photographs, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers is an expertly written account of the history of sporting and military firearms.

重视优势，发掘优势，运用优势，顺势而为，是中国共产党人的优良传统。本书共十三章，紧扣党的*文件精神，坚持以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指导，解析“中国之治”的制度密码，阐述了中国特色社会主义制度十三个方面的显著优势，以期读懂中国优势，用好中国优势。

　　明清时期，数以千计的年轻女子抗拒父母的权威，终生忠贞于她们的未婚夫，很多以寡妇的身份终其一生，有的为未婚夫自杀殉死。贞女现象引发了中国历史上关于礼与女德的激烈、持久的意识形态争论。《海外中国研究丛书·矢志不渝：明清时期的贞女现象》旨在对贞女现象作一历史描述，并探讨赋予其意义的、反过来又被它所影响的明清社会和文化。通过勾勒贞女现象之形成、发展轨迹以及国家和社会对它的反应，本书试图对贞女现象与帝国晚期的政治、文化、思想变迁的关系达成较全面的了解，并通过判析围绕着贞女现象的矛盾冲突，揭示年轻女子与其家庭和社会之间的关系。《海外中国研究丛书·矢志不渝：明清时期的贞女现象》根本的目的在于探索贞女的情感、理想和生活历程，并由此解释是什么影响了这一时期年轻女性的性别身份，以及她们如何看待和表达尊严、责任、爱情。

《写给青少年的党史》丛书是一套面向新时代少年儿童的有温度、有厚度、有力度、有态度、多角度的党史学习教育读本。该丛书由国内著名党史专家邵维正教授领衔并担纲主编，中央党校、国防大学的多位专家组成创作团队，中国史学会会长李捷、中国中共党史学会副会长张启华担任学术顾问。 丛书紧紧围绕“中华民族是怎样站起来、富起来、强起来的”这一主旨，突破传统的章、节、目框架结构，以问答形式展论述，梳理归纳了当代青少年*为关注的60个问题，突出重、难、热、亮，按党史发展脉络分编成6卷，依次为《中国有了共产党》《红色星火燎原》《战火中成长》《中国人民站起来了》《春天的故事》《筑梦新时代》。每卷既独立成书，连贯起来又构成一个整体，能够系统地反映中国共产党历史的概貌。每个问题后设有“名言金句”“读党史长智慧”栏目，以帮助青少年更好地掌握主要内容和精髓启示，引发思考，从中受益。 在叙述方式和语言风格方面，丛书努力贴近少年儿童的阅读习惯和受程度，力求以生动形象的党史故事作为切，由小到大，由浅深，讲清来龙去脉，剖析前因后果，引发思考共鸣，达到以情感人、以理服人。在版式上，坚持图文并茂，强化视觉冲，增强可读性、趣味性。