《新中国行政体制改革70年》是“上海市纪念新中国成立70年研究丛书”之一，本书按照时间顺序，主要回顾并梳理总结新中国成立70年来历次行政体制改革的伟大历程和宝贵经验。书中结合大量公历史文献资料、数据等，讲述了政府机构改革、政府职能转变、行政审批制度改革、国家公务员制度发展等主题，对于深化行政体制改革，推国家治理体系和治理能力现代化具有重要意义。

　　“如果德国人民输了这场战争，那么就证明他们有负于我!”这句是希特勒临死前说的一句话。话里没有一丝的自责，在他看来，这场战争之所以失败，是因为人民对他不忠。经过12年，第三帝国灭亡了，种族灭绝和战争的噩梦以悲剧告终。希特勒及其追随者的事业虽然只经营了短短十几年，却成了一座永远耸立的耻辱柱，它警示着世人：人类曾是那样的残忍。

　　战争中，与敌人合作意味着背叛，但保罗萨特却这样描述了战时的两难处境：“不与我们的敌人同流合污，我们就寸步难行，没有饭吃，甚至没法呼吸。我们的血管里连一滴血都没有，但是他们有。整个国家既抵抗又合作。我们做的每一件事都是可疑的，我们不知道我们做的对不对。一种微妙的毒药连我们好的行为都腐蚀了。”

本书以加拿大的中等国家外交思想与国内政治文化为研究主轴，分析与探究了加拿大的“多边外交”的偏好以及自我定位国际政治（危机）中的“斡旋者”和“修复者”的内在政治文化的因素，并对加拿大在全球治理中的“悄悄贡献者”和“影子行为体”角色行了全方位的考察和研究。作者兼顾了当前的中加关系态势，对加拿大涉华智库和知华派以及中加关系的历史发展也行了全面梳理。本书为中国学者、政策决策者以及智库专家和读者提供了*、*系统的加拿大国别研究的专业知识和文本。   

　　次世界大战结束后，德国陷了危机之中。金融体系全面崩溃，种族、政治、宗教等方面的纠纷困扰着民众，民众感到无所适从，许多人求诸远古的神话与迷信，以排解心中的不安。这一切为第三帝国的产生创造了机会。这其中啤酒馆暴动是一个典型，虽然它失败了，但纳粹的“鬼影”就此植了德国人民的心中……

本书汇集了从公元前15世纪至现代多场经典战役，全面讲解战役的过程，重介绍战争双方在战役中的军队部署、战术运用、智慧得失，并对战役的影响行分析和总结。全书再现了3500多年中不同时代、不同国家和地区所经历的血与火的洗礼。

中国古代官德文化具有悠久的历史和丰富的内容，是历代政治家和思想家不断总结为官从政的经验教训而逐步形成的，在一定程度上揭示了国家治理和官员道德建设的基本规律，凝聚了中华民族丰富的人生智慧和治国理政经验，是当代干部为官从政和修身养德的有益资材。作者立足现代视角，以虔敬、辩证和扬弃的理念，梳理了中国古代官德规范的主要内容，归纳了古代官德的培养与建设方法，总结了古代官德的积极作用，分析了继承古代官德应有的态度，探讨了古代官德建设的启示和当代新型官德建设的途径，从而发挥古代官德文化资政育人的作用。

横渡地中海　剑指亚平宁 瓦解轴心国欧洲防线的*枪 本书梳理了盟军从登陆西西里，到*终攻下罗马城的时间线，描绘了恢弘壮烈的意大利战役，诉说了无数“为自由而死”的英勇故事。 虽然攻意大利的决定极具争议，但行动一旦始，盟军解放意大利的决心便未曾动摇：集结的号声伴着奔涌的海浪将冲锋艇送上西西里的金色海岸，轰鸣的钢铁战车履带碾过萨莱诺平原坚固的防线，呼啸的战机在塔兰托港投下铺天盖地、如雨般密集的炸弹……阿特金森笔下，一幅雄浑与悲壮共同挥洒而就的画卷徐徐展。 不堪重负的艾森豪威尔，无畏却自负的马克·克拉克，天纵奇才的巴顿，偏执、激情的丘吉尔，运筹帷幄的坎宁安，四面楚歌的墨索里尼……从将军到士兵，从政客到平民，无数生命的轨迹在这段历史中会聚、燃烧。 这是第三帝国与其反抗者之间，为争夺欧洲大陆而展的史诗战役，响了瓦解轴心国欧洲防线的*枪。当马克·克拉克*终“征服”罗马时，诺曼底登陆前的*后一处障碍被彻底排除了——第三帝国末日将近。

 本书结合学生发展核心素养及差异化教学相关方面的理论，呈现了多名一线高中化学教师的理论认知及理念的更新，同时呈现了多个基于核心素养和关注学生差异化发展的优秀教学案例，体现了在课堂教学及课外活动中教育理念的具体落实方法和途径。

本书精选了百余种现代特种部队经典作战装备，主要分为主战武器、自卫武器、特战载具和随身装备等，并对每种装备的研制时间、主要构造、作战性能、生产数量、使用单位等情况进行了简明扼要的介绍。 本书结构严谨、分析讲解透彻、图片精美丰富、版式新颖别致，不仅适合资深军事爱好者阅读和收藏，也可作为青少年的军事启蒙读物。

本书精心选取了第二次世界大战以来的三百余种经典陆战武器，涵盖了坦克、装甲车、火炮、导弹、爆炸武器、枪械等多个类别，着重介绍了每种武器的基本信 息、整体结构和作战性能，并附有准确的参数表格。 本书内容结构严谨，分析讲解透彻，图片精美丰富，适合广大军事爱好者阅读和收藏，也可以作为青少年的科普读物。

信息化作为新的反腐手段，以其高效性、便捷性逐渐成为反腐的重要方法。随着网络信息技术和“大数据”深刻影响着社会生活的方方面面，运用信息技术和“大数据”分析等手段来发现“线索”、固定“证据”，成为“让监督插上科技的翅膀”*有力的手段。本书就是基于廉政反腐的信息化视角讨论廉政反腐的理论与信息化实践问题，通过对廉政反腐理论和信息化实践的研究，找到解决问题的方法。本书既可以为各级纪检监察部门和各级政府部门实施廉政反腐的信息化实践提供借鉴和参考，又可以作为各级纪检监察部门工作人员、政府机关工作人员，以及相关专业硕士生和本科生的培训教材，还可以作为各级纪检监察部门和政府机关实施廉政反腐信息化的参考工具。

中国是世界上周边邻国多的国家，陆上邻国有14 个，隔海相望的 邻国有8 个。这是中国周边安全环境在世界各国中为复杂的重要原因 之一。它给中国维护周边安全形势稳定带来了诸多压力。 此外，中国还是世界上存在岛屿主权争端和海洋权益纠纷热点多 的国家。尽管这些热点的出现有诸多原因，其实根本的还是因为中国 军事实力不够强大，尤其是海上力量不够强大。近代以来，如何消除来 自周边的、威胁我国国家安全的各种因素尤其是军事因素，成了中华民 族子孙们头脑里一直萦绕的问题。至今，这些问题仍然是我们必须要正 视的。

国际商会下属的国际海事局海盗报告中心将海盗定 义为“登临任何船只，企图偷窃或犯其他罪行，有意图 和能力使用暴力的犯罪行为”。2005 年至今，印度洋西岸、 索马里沿岸和亚丁湾地区成为海盗猖獗地区。

　　本书精心选取了二十余型第二次世界大战后服役的、各国*代表性的航空母舰和两栖攻舰，对它们的作战性能和装备情况行了详细介绍，并将实体图片与电脑彩绘相结合，全面细致地展现了它们的外观特征。 与此同时，本书独树一帜地将两种舰的性能参数以图表的形式行了对比分析，力求使读者直观地了解它们的实力对比情况，并从中得到启发。 　　本书具有较高的参考和收藏价值，是广大军事迷和关心国防事业的朋友们的读物，同时，也适合作为广大青少年朋友的国防科普知识读物。

对金融全球化的发展大势与实质、金融全球化背景下的金融安全理论，以及中国的金融安全环境进行了深入分析和探讨，在此基础上对中国金融安全总体状况进行了评析等。

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.