The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

本书以详细文本解读为基础，再现了马克思恩格斯意识形态理论形成、发展和完善的全过程；以克服异己力量并实现人类解放为中心线索重述了唯物史观；在人类解放的总逻辑中系统论述了马恩的意识形态理论体系；总结和重建了马恩关于意识形态的本质、基本矛盾和基本特征的思想；比较全面地概括了马恩关于资本主义意识形态的理论体系。本书对于马克思主义理论研究人员和意识形态工作人员均有重要参考价值。

《新华社记者带你探秘：嫦娥探月》是科技强国科普丛书的*本。该书采取全媒体形态，既有采访文字、也有现场照片，扫描二维码还可以看到11段珍贵探月视频，全方位、多角度描述了以“嫦娥五号”为代表的中国探月工程的历程和成果。该书以记者的眼光、科普的形式、独特的内容，展示了中国航天航空事业的伟大发展。

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【内容简介】 本书为《书写廉洁人生》一书的姊妹篇，是一本廉政教育读本。书中分八个板块，有阐述对全面从严治党方略认识的《一体推进“三不”》，有明确党员“必须为”和“不可为”的《立高线，守底线》，有从古人智慧中汲取营养以提升道德情操的《北宋文人的精神仰望》，有讲廉洁的《道廉》，有因通过办案发现违纪违法多与钱相关而写的《说钱》，有劝诫人们多行善事的《论善》，有鼓励年轻干部快速健康成长的《奋斗的人生有意义》《全力以赴做好工作》。书中分享了大量故事和案例，内容通俗易懂，贴近生活、贴近群众，可读性很强。本书旨在通过宣传教育，促使党员提高党性觉悟，涵养廉洁文化，真正做到“不想腐”。本书为廉政教育工作提供了很好的素材。

如何让“富强、民主、文明、和谐，自由、平等、公正、法治，爱国、敬业、诚信、友善”这12个社会主义核心价值理念，被青少年更好地受？30位文史专家和书画艺术家之力，围绕社会主义核心价值观24个字，系统地挖掘和整理中华五千年文明史中的精华，*终精选出60个经典故事，以此创作300余幅连环画，对社会主义核心价值观国家、社会、公民三个层面，行图文并茂的阐释和注解。本书选取中国传统文化中的60多个经典故事，以连环画的形式，用12本小册子分别对这12个词行了对应的演绎，形象生动地寻找到中华文脉中的根和源，古为今用恰到好处。

本书是《来自上层的革命》的修订本和增补本。内容涵盖了从1917年苏联政治体制的确立，到20世纪90年代苏联解体并走向资本主义，再到21世纪初俄罗斯社会、经济和政治发展呈现重要变化等各个关键时期。作者对苏联解体的原因和经验教训作了独到的解释，对叶利钦和和普京时代的俄罗斯经济社会出现的重要问题行了细致的解读，展望并预测未来社会主义的走向。本书对研究苏联和当代俄罗斯的历史、经济和政治具有重要参考价值。

批判性是马克思主义文化理论的本质特征之一，基于唯物史观的文化批判是人类实现自身解放的内在精神动力。本书以马克思创立的唯物史观为指导，立足于实践批判，围绕“什么是文化”“什么是文化理论的批判性研究”“文化理论的批判性研究有什么意义”等问题，从马克思主义文化理论的历史起、马克思主义文化理论的发展脉络、马克思主义文化理论的内在机制、马克思主义文化理论的当代价值等维度比较全面系统地分析研究马克思主义文化理论，是一部难得的马克思主义理论专著。

本书从中国共产党所处的时代以及中国共产党如何应对时代挑战的新视角，研究中国共产党的历史和重大事件，把中国共产党的历史看作不断应对新的挑战、审时度势、顺应时代大潮从而不断取得胜利的历史，并将*终落脚置于中国共产党的现实发展上，指出中国共产党将以“五大发展理念”为引领，以“赶上时代”为目标，以“科学预见”为方法，以“与时俱”为精神状态，以“不忘初心、继续前”为坚强意志，永不止步地追赶时代大潮、受时代大潮的考验，而引领时代大潮，永葆自己的先性。

由我国知名公共管理学者姜晓萍教授领衔撰著的《中国城市社会治理》一书，从国家治理现代化的高度出发，对中国城市社会治理问题行了深、系统的研究。全书首先对城市社会治理行理论溯源，论述了城市社会问题的历史性与现代性、世界性与中国性、农村性与城市性，以及社会治理的中国场域及其在新时代的新需求，梳理了城市社会治理的理论演逻辑，并从指导思想、基本原则、总体目标、职能定位等方面，构建了城市社会治理现代化的战略框架。在此基础上，对城市社会治理现代化中的党建引领、公共服务、社区治理三个核心问题行重论述。*后，对城市社会治理现代化的评估与监测问题展研究，并初步构建了城市社会治理现代化的评估与监测体系。 本书强调，城市社会治理要遵循党建引领、多元治理，改革创新、依法治理，尊重规律、统筹治理，以人为本、科学治理的基本原则。只有将党总揽全局、协调各方的政治优势同政府的资源整合优势、企业的市场竞争优势、社会组织的群众动员优势有机结合起来，坚持以人民为中心的治理理念，才能更好地推城市社会治理现代化。

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《国家功勋相册》以极具典型性的精彩故事和240余幅珍贵照片相结合的形式，呈现了40位国家勋章和国家荣誉称号获得者的获奖仪式和精彩人生片段。全书语言凝练、图片珍稀，多方位、立体化地展现了功勋模范人物为新中国建设和发展作出的卓越贡献，读来鼓舞人心、催人奋。 本书为宣传功勋模范人物的卓越功绩和先事迹，弘扬民族精神和时代精神，推动在全社会形成崇尚英雄、学习典型的浓厚氛围，又画上了浓墨重彩的一笔，能够很好地激励广大党员、干部、群众特别是青少年为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦不懈奋斗。

究竟是什么原因使得中国和西方在15世纪以后的经济发展历程上，呈现出两条截然不同的道路？ 与现有研究中国道路的大多数著作不同，本书将中国道路置身于历史大视野行审视并揭示其世界意义，具体分析了国家能力如何影响经济发展和中国崛起在经济学理论上的重要意义。通过古今中外的纵横对比和深阐释，书中重新审视和批驳了“西方中心论”和新自由主义经济学。 全书以新的视角揭示出，近代中国落后不是因为市场经济不发达，国家治理能力才是古代中国繁荣与近代中国衰落以及西方兴起与西方衰落的分水岭。今天中国复兴从现象层面看是经济上对西方的赶超，而在本质层面则是国家治理能力对西方的超越。该书以深的论证揭示，离了国家治理能力，单纯的市场经济不但不能带来国家发展，甚至往往成为发展无序和衰落的原因。

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本书是民族主义研究的经典理论著作。2010年出版的第二版列了蕞新的学术研究成果，从历史学、社会学、国际关系学乃至人类学的角度对民族主义这一概念行了深研究，具有广阔的历史和社会背景。作者首先简要论述了诸如“族群”“民族”等关键概念的不同定义，然后评述当代西方民族主义研究中的主要理论贡献和现存的学术成果，而全面地考察了有关民族主义概念的理论、意识形态和历史的学术分野和分歧，以及在这一研究领域的主要解释范式。 本书系统地剖析了民族主义这一概念及西方理论流派关于此的主要争论，融会各种流派对民族主义的解释的同时展现自己的观，承前启后，被认为是民族主义研究无法绕过的一本综述性理论著作，也是对民族主义这一跨学科研究领域感兴趣的读者和研究者不可错过的经典佳作。

该丛书紧扣十九大报告精神，深阐释中国特色社会主义“四个自信”，对于帮助广大干部群众深刻理解和坚定“四个自信”、决胜全面建成小康社会、推动社会主义现代化建设提供了理论支撑。该丛书注重政治性、学术性与可读性的统一，体现了一定前瞻性、创新性与实践性。

该丛书紧扣十九大报告精神，深研究中国特色社会主义理论自信，对于帮助广大干部群众深刻理解和坚定理论自信、决胜全面建成小康社会、推动社会主义现代化建设提供了理论支 撑。该书注重政治性、学术性与可读性的统一，体现了一定前瞻性、创新性与实践性。

《贞观政要》是一部政论性著作，全书共10卷40章，按时间和门类编辑了唐太宗在位23年中，与魏徵、房玄龄等大臣在治国理政上的理念问题，以及各大臣的争议、劝谏等，起到了规范君臣道德伦理和治军理国的作用。此外还记载了一些政治、经济上的重大举措。书末附录《直谏》《帝范》《凌烟阁二十四功臣简表》3篇。本书放在当下，亦是一部当之无愧的管理学和领导学方面的经典，其中许多治国理政思想都可以转化为管理企业和团队之用，帮助管理者建立威信和领导力。

1949年5月29日，新华社发表社论《祝上海解放》，称上海是“近代中国的光明的摇篮”。上海何以成为“光明的摇篮”？本书以红色文化、海派文化、江南文化为坚实底色，深度解析中国共产党诞生在上海的历史必然性。先进思想文化的传播系统、工人阶级与先进知识分子的社会基础、发达的水陆交通系统、便捷的邮政通讯系统、可供依托的社会组织系统、可资利用的租界安全缝隙六大因素相互支撑，构成上海的独特性。本书视角新颖、史料扎实、图文并茂、文笔生动，是一本兼具学术性和可读性的通俗读物。