由我国知名公共管理学者姜晓萍教授领衔撰著的《中国城市社会治理》一书，从国家治理现代化的高度出发，对中国城市社会治理问题行了深、系统的研究。全书首先对城市社会治理行理论溯源，论述了城市社会问题的历史性与现代性、世界性与中国性、农村性与城市性，以及社会治理的中国场域及其在新时代的新需求，梳理了城市社会治理的理论演逻辑，并从指导思想、基本原则、总体目标、职能定位等方面，构建了城市社会治理现代化的战略框架。在此基础上，对城市社会治理现代化中的党建引领、公共服务、社区治理三个核心问题行重论述。*后，对城市社会治理现代化的评估与监测问题展研究，并初步构建了城市社会治理现代化的评估与监测体系。 本书强调，城市社会治理要遵循党建引领、多元治理，改革创新、依法治理，尊重规律、统筹治理，以人为本、科学治理的基本原则。只有将党总揽全局、协调各方的政治优势同政府的资源整合优势、企业的市场竞争优势、社会组织的群众动员优势有机结合起来，坚持以人民为中心的治理理念，才能更好地推城市社会治理现代化。

如何让“富强、民主、文明、和谐，自由、平等、公正、法治，爱国、敬业、诚信、友善”这12个社会主义核心价值理念，被青少年更好地受？30位文史专家和书画艺术家之力，围绕社会主义核心价值观24个字，系统地挖掘和整理中华五千年文明史中的精华，*终精选出60个经典故事，以此创作300余幅连环画，对社会主义核心价值观国家、社会、公民三个层面，行图文并茂的阐释和注解。本书选取中国传统文化中的60多个经典故事，以连环画的形式，用12本小册子分别对这12个词行了对应的演绎，形象生动地寻找到中华文脉中的根和源，古为今用恰到好处。

如何让“富强、民主、文明、和谐，自由、平等、公正、法治，爱国、敬业、诚信、友善”这12个社会主义核心价值理念，被青少年更好地受？30位文史专家和书画艺术家之力，围绕社会主义核心价值观24个字，系统地挖掘和整理中华五千年文明史中的精华，*终精选出60个经典故事，以此创作300余幅连环画，对社会主义核心价值观国家、社会、公民三个层面，行图文并茂的阐释和注解。本书选取中国传统文化中的60多个经典故事，以连环画的形式，用12本小册子分别对这12个词行了对应的演绎，形象生动地寻找到中华文脉中的根和源，古为今用恰到好处。

市民社会是一个关涉多学科的问题，其理论思潮之庞杂、历史内涵之丰富使得如何总体性地把握这一分析路径成为一个难题。本书稿以市民社会“概念”的演变——市民社会－资产阶级社会－垄断资产阶级社会（帝国主义）－晚期资本主义社会——作为核心的关节，试图贯穿起马克思主义分析路径的中心逻辑。

 《新中国行政体制改革70年》是“上海市纪念新中国成立70年研究丛书”之一，本书按照时间顺序，主要回顾并梳理总结新中国成立70年来历次行政体制改革的伟大历程和宝贵经验。书中结合大量公历史文献资料、数据等，讲述了政府机构改革、政府职能转变、行政审批制度改革、国家公务员制度发展等主题，对于深化行政体制改革，推国家治理体系和治理能力现代化具有重要意义。

信息化作为新的反腐手段，以其高效性、便捷性逐渐成为反腐的重要方法。随着网络信息技术和“大数据”深刻影响着社会生活的方方面面，运用信息技术和“大数据”分析等手段来发现“线索”、固定“证据”，成为“让监督插上科技的翅膀”*有力的手段。本书就是基于廉政反腐的信息化视角讨论廉政反腐的理论与信息化实践问题，通过对廉政反腐理论和信息化实践的研究，找到解决问题的方法。本书既可以为各级纪检监察部门和各级政府部门实施廉政反腐的信息化实践提供借鉴和参考，又可以作为各级纪检监察部门工作人员、政府机关工作人员，以及相关专业硕士生和本科生的培训教材，还可以作为各级纪检监察部门和政府机关实施廉政反腐信息化的参考工具。

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Volumul este o culegere de articole publicate ini?ial pe platformele Contributors.ro ?i LaPunkt.ro, precum ?i ?n revista de cultur? contemporan? Timpul, ce au ?n vedere realitatea politic?, social? ?i literar? actual? sau recent?. Cititorii vor avea ocazia rememor?rii unor importante evenimente din aceste zone, cum ar fi ?nfruntarea politic? ocazionat? de alegerile preziden?iale din 2014, protestele legate de Ro?ia Montana, drama din clubul ?Colectiv“, dar ?i controversele generate de acordarea Premiului Na?ional ?Mihai Eminescu“ – Opera Omnia.

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

This is a complete facsimile of the original edition published by the Interborough Rapid Transit Company to commemorate the opening of New York's first subway line. From the perspective of both urban history and the history of transportation, this book is an important primary source. Building the city's first subway in the early years of the twentieth century required delicate collaboration between public and private interests and called for the expenditure of considerable sums of both public and private money. The book introduces us to Abram S. Hewitt, a late nineteenth-century mayor of New York City. It was Hewitt who realized that, while private capital alone had been perfectly adequate for building elevated rapid transit lines in New York as early as the 1870s, the more costly construction of underground rapid transit lines was far beyond the ability of private corporations to finance. Hewitt set in motion a chain of events that sanctioned the use of public funds for subway construction, with the completed facility then to be leased to a private company for day-to-day operation. The private firm that emerged, both to build and to operate the first subway in New York, was called the Interborough Rapid Transit Company, a name that would later be rendered more crisply as the IRT. The City of New York and the Interborough Rapid transit Company inaugurated service over the city's first subway line on Thursday afternoon, October 27, 1904. Mayor George B. McClellan, son of the Civil War general, took the controls of the first ceremonial train at City Hall Station in downtown Manhattan and headed north. In one way or another, the subway has been going ever since. The book also presents important tabular and statistical information, as well as clear and concise narrative descriptions of technical details.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Matchlock, wheel lock, flintlock and caplock; .44 or 9mm; revolver and automatic – the history of pistols and revolvers is a fascinating journey through the development of hand-held firearms technology. From early hand cannon of the late 14th century to the latest automatics and machine pistols, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers traces the development of these small arms as they evolved over the centuries. From a Thirty Years’ War wheel lock to today’s Beretta 92, from the Luger to the Colt to the latest Ruger, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers offers a narrative history of the classics among these firearms. Throughout the book there are technical specifications for featured firearms. Illustrated with more than 250 colour and black-and-white artworks and photographs, Collector’s Guides: Pistols & Revolvers is an expertly written account of the history of sporting and military firearms.

Volumul constituie o introducere normativ? ?n sfera de interes reprezentat? de politicile publice aferente spa?iului administrativ, adres?ndu-se at?t speciali?tilor, c?t ?i factorilor de decizie din acest domeniu. Autoarea evoc? problemele actuale din c?mpul politicilor publice, oferind modele decizionale ?i indic?nd provoc?rile cele mai importante la adresa paradigmelor clasice.

《中国历史的教训》（全新修订精装版），是一本以人物故事为主线、以廉政思想为内核的中国历史通俗读物，也是一本由纪检监察干部倾注心血、联系反腐败斗争的实际而写就的读史感悟。 作者习骅在“反腐一线”工作多年，全书收录了他创作于2012年—2014年，并发表在《中国纪检监察报》等多家媒体上的24篇“说古道今”的文章，以轻松的笔调通过众多令人嗟叹与沉思的人物故事，来讲述历史风云变幻中的不变正道。作者巧妙地从古今历史，特别是明清治国、吏治等历史典故中寻求成败教训、总结得失经验。从关注“四风”问题的《朱元璋为何暴茹太素》到透析“官商勾结”的《张之洞借钱》，从探索“总关”问题的《高级干部的低级错误》到聚焦作风建设的《作风建设与历史周期律》……这些文章紧跟十八大以来党中央“虎拍蝇”的节拍，精选案例，精讲故事，精析道理，成为学习领会新一届党中央治理腐败的坚定决心和高超战略的鲜活教材，是党员干部一步转变作风，守纪律讲规矩，做好各项工作的有益参考。 《中国历史的教训》（全新修订精装版），整体行全新修订，增加了多篇附录文章，有趣、有料，叙事流畅生动，见解独到深刻，传递廉政新思维正能量。

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

实现中华民族伟大复兴的重任历史性地落在了中国共产党身上。近百年来，中国共产党不忘初心、牢记使命、砥砺前行，充分展现了马克思主义使命型政党的主体意识与责任担当。作为国内*本系统研究马克思主义使命型政党的专著，本书结合历史与现实、理论与实践，在概念诠释的基础上，从对历史规律的深刻把握、对思想建党的高度重视、对制度治党的持续探索、对群众路线的自觉坚持、对党性修养的严格要求、对人类社会的使命承担、对思想方法的系统掌握七个方面对马克思主义使命型政党行了系统阐释。全书观鲜明，理论上具有创新性，实践中也具有较强的现实启示意义。

《新华日报·思想周刊》文丛系《新华日报》2017年1月创办“思想周刊”一年来其新论、政声、智库等专栏的思想理论成果合集，反映了《新华日报》与时俱，传播党的声音、服务人民群众的办报思想。《决策之前》系智库版刊载的一些服务省委决策的重大主题策划以及各省级高端智库与重培育智库的重要文章的合集。