翻译详尽  注解简明  插图精美《闲情偶寄》从内容的具体分类来看，包括词典、演习、声容、居室、器玩、饮馔、种植、颐养八部。《闲情偶寄》对那些因日常的工作或学习而筋疲力尽的人来说，正是一个值得忙 里偷闲仔细拜读的好作品；对那些有闲情逸致的人来说，也是通古辨今、提高生活审美情趣的好时机。

《唐诗》精选唐朝三百余首古诗，囊括了各种题材，隐居、干谒、应试、落第、恩遇、迁谪、忧国忧民、辞官归田、相思、离别、慈幼、友爱……明白易解，反应了唐朝生活背景和时代特征。细细品味，也可获陶冶性情之益处，并修养、激发人心。

《简明哲学逻辑思维读本》（套装共5册）包括《催眠二十八讲》《逻辑十九讲》《消费心理十四讲》《哲学九讲》和《创造性思维十一讲》。 《催眠二十八讲》详细阐述了催眠术及催眠状态的特点、催眠术的发展及其具体的应用情况。 《逻辑十九讲》一书从逻辑学浅显的概念入手，用通俗和生活化的语言，系统、简洁地阐述了逻辑学基本的原则与思维方式。 《消费心理十四讲》讲述了销售中的心理学知识，关注的是所有销售的共同技巧和原则。 《哲学九讲》从约翰·洛克、勒内·笛卡尔开始，沿着两位欧洲伟大思想家的足迹，顺着意识与存在这一基本问题，逐层深入，不仅讨论了哲学本身，更对人性进行了探讨，比如什么是快乐什么是幸福。 《创造性思维十一讲》全面系统地介绍了创造性思维的产生、发展以及其对人类社会和生活的影响。

寄情山光水色、花鸟虫鱼讥讽官场科第、庸俗人情勘破参悟儒释道三家思想《幽梦影》是清代张潮的一部文艺格言随感小品集，也是一部人生格言集。本书收录了219条人生的领悟和自然的静赏，用幽静的态度去观察人生与自然，如梦一般的迷离，如影一 般的朦胧，让我们享受那种对生活所拥有的感受和体验。

《增广贤文》内容广泛，从礼仪道德到典章制度，从天文地理到人生哲学，几乎囊括中国文化的精髓；作为传统的蒙学读物，它长句和短句交错排列，灵活多变，形式多样，读来朗朗上口，让人记忆犹新；它又是一本格言集，融汇了诸子百家、历代文人的名言警句，句句闪耀着中国人思想智慧的光芒！

《论语》以语录体记述了孔子及其弟子的言行，是中国儒家文化的本源，被儒家学派尊奉为圭臬。自西汉以来，《论语》所表述的孔子学说，被迅速传播，其影响遍及政治、经济、思想、文化、教育、伦理道德等各个领域，成为中国传统文化的一大标志。是我国古代儒家经典著作之一，是首创语录之体。南宋时，朱熹将它与《孟子》《大学》《中庸》合称为“四书”。

《中庸》乃儒家经典之一，是有关人生哲学之书，是修己用世的*道德标准，是指导人们进行人生时间的理论教科书。中庸》的核心是中庸之道，即忠恕之道，其行为准则是：“君惠臣忠”“父慈子孝”“夫义妇顺”“兄友弟恭”“朋友有信”，从而达到“中庸”的和谐境界。

茶文化的经典传承  新生活的品质演绎《茶经》是世界上*部茶叶专著。内容包括茶的本源、制茶器具、茶的采制、煮茶方法、历代茶事、茶叶产地等十章。翔实地介绍了我国古代茶业的发展演变，极具史料价值。《续茶经》亦是一部完全独立的经典著述，此书对唐之后的茶事资料收罗宏富，并行了考辨，《四库全书总目》称此书“一一订定补辑，颇切实用，而征引繁复”。两部著作统作《茶经》，基本将唐代之前和清代之前国人对于茶的理解和茶道的演变囊括其中，是对茶文化的很好的概括和总结，是值得大家一读的国学经典！

《本草纲目》是中国*世界性影响的药学及博物学巨典。它集中国古代医学所取得的*成就为一体，同时广泛涉及相关的生物、化学、天文、地理、地质、采矿等领域，成为中国古代科技史上部头*，内容*丰富的巨著，曾被英国生物不家达尔文誉为“中国的百科全书”。

批判的，审美的，实践的——马尔库塞美学思想研究

内容简介 道家是战国时期重要学派之一，以春秋末年老子关于“道”的学说作为理论基础，以“道”说明宇宙万物的 本质、本源、构成和变化。认为天道无为，万物自然化生，否认上帝鬼神主宰一切，主张道法自然，顺其自然，提倡清静无为，守雌守柔，以柔克刚。政治理想是“小国寡民”、“无为而治”。老子以后，道家内部分化为庄子学派、杨朱学派、宋尹学派和黄老学派。本书首论道家之大要，次揭老子、庄子学术之旨趣，再明天师、全真诸道派之兴衰，*后论道术与精神。此次修订，依“治大国若烹小鲜”“大道至简”之微旨，以条畅道家学术宗旨为本，以删繁就简为要，以因应国人了解道家文化之现实需求。

　　本书所说的“心”是宇宙社会中、人体全息的“心”，在生存、生活、生命、生死的方方面面，用散文叙事的味道,诗歌的意境，绘画的心脑灵性美，调频“这个时代的微语言”，用充满哲理的小故事解释了人养生的首要是养护心灵、心性，以达到豁达和宁静，这样才能真正超越肉体身体的健康而到达一种灵性美和身心灵合一的境界。在社会中学习，事业、爱情中的“智慧有约”穿越时空，带我们行过去、现在与未来的遨游。用我们熟知的生活：感悟先贤智慧，把现代文明的心理学、超心理学哲学智慧融合，体悟生活禅的践行密意。

苏格拉底为什么拒绝众人的苦苦哀求，拒绝越狱，勇于赴死？ 《理想国》为什么是一部伟大的“失败之书”？ 康德又是如何实现了既为人类的理性划界，也为上帝和信仰留下地盘？ 为什么论起抽象和晦涩简直可以说举世无双、独孤求败的黑格尔，却批评我们普通人经常陷“抽象地思维”？ 兼有病态的人生和健康的哲学的尼采，为什么说弱者、怨恨之人的灵魂是“歪”的？ 自由雅典与铁血斯巴达共同之处在于——对“卓越”的不懈追求；提出“我思故我在”这个伟大命题的笛卡尔，居然是个赖床的哲学家；日常生活中“人畜无害”的胖子大卫·休谟，在哲学领域却是一个勇猛精的斗士；莱辛说人们谈论斯宾诺莎就像谈论“一条死狗”，马克思也说哲学的老王黑格尔死后被当成“一条死狗”，可是如今他们却都死而不僵、借尸还魂了…… 我们还会发现原来《黑客帝国》的思想火花早在笛卡尔的《*哲学沉思集》中就已出现，著名的“钵中之脑”与《盗梦空间》有着类似的结构，而刘慈欣在《三体》中描绘的黑暗森林法则，霍布斯早在几百年前就已经讨论过了。 哲学，是全部智慧的综合。纵观西方哲学2500年的风景，从古希腊到中世纪，以至文艺复兴、启蒙运动和当代，从泰勒斯、苏格拉底、柏拉图、到托马斯·阿奎那、卢梭、康德、尼采、维特根斯坦、罗尔斯……哲人们的思想影响、改变了整个人类文明史，而具体到我们每一个个体来说，哲学有着不可言说的慰藉与乐趣。 如何理解与学习西方哲学？如何从懵懂的好奇真正踏哲学思考的国度？著名学者周濂集多年哲学授课与研究的经验，用通俗的语言介绍深刻的思想，借助于日常有趣的小例子抽象的理论，在鲜活的生活事例和抽象的概念之间建立联系，带领我们一步步地拾级而上，探索每一处哲学景观的历史背景和妙处，解析各种哲学理论的关键所在和细微之处，讲述柏拉图的《理想国》、康德的《纯粹理性批判》、维特根斯坦的《哲学研究》到底都说了些什么。 这就是本书为你呈现的——100篇有趣、有料，不高冷、不轻佻的精彩哲学普及文章，一部有态度、有营养，读得懂、读得动的西方哲学史，一本越读越精神的哲学门书。

汇集了南怀瑾先生关于历史、教育、生命科学、文化等方面的杂谈、漫谈。南先生除了对儒佛道三学钻研精深，亦兼通诸子百家、诗词曲赋、天文历法、医学养生等，对中国文化中的诸多问题都有深刻体认。本套书虽多“杂谈”，但这只是方便的说法，其实随处可见南先生的博闻强记和人生智慧。

诺贝尔说：“有什么样的选择，就会有什么样的人生。”的确，不同的选择会造就不同的人生。选择快乐的，你的一生就充满了欢声笑语。反之，你将是苦海无边！我们要想拥有真正的幸福，就必须具备选择幸福的能力。本书作者从职场、生活、做人、人际交往、心态、事业等六个方面手，结合发生在作者身边的真实故事，用风趣的文字加以分析和总结，告诉我们，虽然人生苦短，只要我们善于选择幸福，那么，我们将会拥有一个快乐、拼搏、精彩、 幸福的人生！本书将以*通俗易懂的语言，加上老范本性怪异的思想，对一些问题书写出了自己与常人不同的理解方法，通过一个个小话题，引起大家的思考，从而给读着带来帮助。本书语言诙谐幽默、故事生动励志，让你在领略风趣的文字、妙趣横生的小故事的同时，还会让你明白如何快乐、幸福地去生活

我们因为不敢坚持自己的权利，世界才会变得苛刻、残酷无情。越是如此，我们许多积极的、有益的思想才被深埋在黑暗之中，不见天日。 请永远铭记，无论环境如何，你一生真正需要斗争和征服的，仅仅是你自己。因为一切困难和恐惧皆产生于你的心。

《分析哲学:回顾与反省》由上、下两编构成：上编是“西方哲学家论分析哲学”，我选择了13篇论述分析哲学的文章，它们大都由当今一流的西方分析哲学家所撰写，具有相当的权威性；并约请了一些国内同行将其译成中文。我尽可能认真地审看了所有译文，做了一些译名统一工作，并在个别地方根据原文作出了修改。下编是“中国哲学家论分析哲学”，收了由大陆、台湾、香港、美国30位已故或健在的中国哲学家所撰写的分析哲学论文，这实际上可以看作是中国分析哲学研究的一个总结或汇集。除已故哲学家的文章不做任何变动外，我对其他论文都做了或多或少的编辑加工，如全书统一使用脚注，所有外国人名*次出现都附加原文，其译名全书大致保持同一，改正个别错讹之处，等等。

本书从诠释学的概念、诠释学的早期发展、19世纪的普遍诠释学、当代诠释学的形成、当代诠释学的发展和争论等方面全面系统而历史地展现了诠释学这门哲学学科的丰富内涵。本书特别指出理解从来就不是一种对于某个所与对象的主观行为，而是属于效果历史的，诠释就是陌生性与熟悉性、过去与现代的综合。当代诠释学的*发展是以理论与实践合一为任务的哲学诠释学，或者说是作为实践哲学的诠释学，这种诠释学既不是一种理论的一般知识，又不是一种应用的技术知识，而是综合理论和实践的一门崭新的人文学科，这门学科本身就包含了批判和反思。

innd seama de multiplele referiri la istorie, ct i de importana i relevana perspectivei temporal-istorice pentru orice alt tem, ajungem firesc la cardinalitatea istoriei n discursul lui Emil Cioran. n noianul tuturor temelor sale obsesive, istoria este o mega-tem, aflat n puternice raporturi cu celelalte. Aderena i entuziasmul pentru studiul problemelor de filosofia istoriei le gsim mrturisite nc de la nceputul traseului, n cteva scrisori ctre Bucur incu din anii ‘30. n acele scrisori vorbete de pasiune, de gndire spontan i personal, de adaptare natural asupra domeniului, i se arat ncredinat c, alturi de problemele de filosofia culturii i antropologiei filosofice, problemele de filosofia istoriei nu pot concepe c lea prsi vreodat. Dintre multiplele justificri ulterioare – opuse ca atitudine fa de cele din perioada iniial, dar care marcheaz aceeai aderen –, s punem dou n corelaie, scrise n ani apropiai, n care preocuparea pentru istorie este descris prin stri de dependen: slbiciune, sete, patim.“ – Ioan Costea

Such is the system which underlies the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius. Some knowledge of it is necessary to the right understanding of the book, but for us the chief interest lies elsewhere. We do not come to Marcus Aurelius for a treatise on Stoicism. He is no head of a school to lay down a body of doctrine for students; he does not even contemplate that others should read what he writes. His philosophy is not an eager intellectual inquiry, but more what we should call religious feeling. The uncompromising stiffness of Zeno or Chrysippus is softened and transformed by passing through a nature reverent and tolerant, gentle and free from guile; the grim resignation which made life possible to the Stoic sage becomes in him almost a mood of aspiration. His book records the innermost thoughts of his heart, set down to ease it, with such moral maxims and reflections as may help him to bear the burden of duty and the countless annoyances of a busy life. It is instructive to compare the Meditations with another famous book, the Imitation of Christ. There is the same ideal of self-control in both. It should be a man's task, says the Imitation, 'to overcome himself, and every day to be stronger than himself.' 'In withstanding of the passions standeth very peace of heart.' 'Let us set the axe to the root, that we being purged of our passions may have a peaceable mind.' To this end there must be continual self-examination. 'If thou may not continually gather thyself together, namely sometimes do it, at least once a day, the morning or the evening. In the morning purpose, in the evening discuss the manner, what thou hast been this day, in word, work, and thought.' But while the Roman's temper is a modest self-reliance, the Christian aims at a more passive mood, humbleness and meekness, and reliance on the presence and personal friendship of God. The Roman scrutinises his faults with severity, but without the self-contempt which makes the Christian 'vile in his own sight.' The Christian, like the Roman, bids 'study to withdraw thine heart from the love of things visible'; but it is not the busy life of duty he has in mind so much as the contempt of all worldly things, and the 'cutting away of all lower delectations.' Both rate men's praise or blame at their real worthlessness; 'Let not thy peace,' says the Christian, 'be in the mouths of men.' But it is to God's censure the Christian appeals, the Roman to his own soul. The petty annoyances of injustice or unkindness are looked on by each with the same magnanimity. 'Why doth a little thing said or done against thee make thee sorry? It is no new thing; it is not the first, nor shall it be the last, if thou live long. At best suffer patiently, if thou canst not suffer joyously.' The Christian should sorrow more for other men's malice than for our own wrongs; but the Roman is inclined to wash his hands of the offender. 'Study to be patient in suffering and bearing other men's defaults and all manner infirmities,' says the Christian; but the Roman would never have thought to add, 'If all men were perfect, what had we then to suffer of other men for God?' The virtue of suffering in itself is an idea which does not meet us in the Meditations. Both alike realise that man is one of a great community. 'No man is sufficient to himself,' says the Christian; 'we must bear together, help together, comfort together.' But while he sees a chief importance in zeal, in exalted emotion that is, and avoidance of lukewarmness, the Roman thought mainly of the duty to be done as well as might be, and less of the feeling which should go with the doing of it. To the saint as to the emperor, the world is a poor thing at best. 'Verily it is a misery to live upon the earth,' says the Christian; few and evil are the days of man's life, which passeth away suddenly as a shadow. ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?*** ? "MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS" was born on April 26, A.D. 121. His real name was M. Annius Verus, and he was sprung of a noble family which claimed descent from Numa, second King of Rome. Thus the most religious of emperors came of the blood of the most pious of early kings. His father, Annius Verus, had held high office in Rome, and his grandfather, of the same name, had been thrice Consul. Both his parents died young, but Marcus held them in loving remembrance. On his father's death Marcus was adopted by his grandfather, the consular Annius Verus, and there was deep love between these two. On the very first page of his book Marcus gratefully declares how of his grandfather he had learned to be gentle and meek, and to refrain from all anger and passion. The Emperor Hadrian divined the fine character of the lad, whom he used to call not Verus but Verissimus, more Truthful than his own name. He advanced Marcus to equestrian rank when six years of age, and at the age of eight made him a member of the ancient Salian priesthood. The boy's aunt, A

Avem o carte preponderent de sondare a mentalit??ii ruse, care este rezultatul unei radiografieri a societ??ii pe mai multe pali?ere, dintre care se deta?eaz? cel istoric ?i cel religios. (…) Rusia bolnav? este scris? ?n primii ani dup? evenimentele revolu?ionare din 1905?l907, ?n cursul c?rora autorul a avut o participare activ?, mai ales ?n ce prive?te punerea acestei revolu?ii sub semnul lui Hris?tos. Este o carte important? tocmai pentru c? oglinde?te deziluziile unei naturi pasiona?le, care, ?n centrul istoriei ?i al religiei, pune mereu fapta. Fire?te acum, dup? Arhipelagul lui Soljeni??n, pamfletele lui Merejkovski par simple exerci?ii de stil, ?nelibertatea” deza?vuat? ?n ele, Rusia ?arist? ca ??nchisoare a popoarelor” ap?r?nd chiar foarte apropiat? de ceea ce s?ar putea numi ?stat de drept”. ?n privin?a ?demasc?rii” ororilor contemporane?it??ii, putem spune c? – a?a cum au dovedit?o deceniile bol?evice – ?ntotdeauna este loc de mai r?u. (Emil Iordache)