Volumul analizeaz? con?inutului drepturilor minorit??ilor na?ionale ?i principalele pozi?ii ale comunit??ii interna?ionale ?n abordarea problemelor din acest domeniu. Sunt formulate solu?ii ce pot servi drept baz? pentru dezvoltarea ?i punerea ?n aplicare a programelor pe termen lung privind protec?ia drepturilor minorit??ilor na?ionale. Cartea are un caracter interdisciplinar ?i se adreseaz? studen?ilor facult??ilor de drept, sociologie, psihologie ?i ?tiin?e politice, dar ?i tuturor celor interesa?i s? ?n?eleag? profunzimile unor fenomene at?t de actuale.

Aceast? culegere ?nm?nuncheaz? articole ap?rute ?n perioada cuprins? ?ntre vara lui 2014 ?i sf?r?itul anului 2016. Facem acest efort, deoarece omul de azi este at?t de gr?bit, ?nc?t poate nu reu?e?te s? urm?reasc? ni?te articole ce apar pe saituri, care se ?nscriu ?n ceea ce se nume?te la ora actual? media de alternativ?, adic? una care merge ?mpotriva curentului general, dominat de eurolatrie, occidentomanie, spirit de vasalitate ?i chingi (neo)liberale. Selec?ia f?cut? a vizat doar acele articole, care dep??esc cadrul unor polemici de moment, circumstan?iale, mai pu?in relevante pentru viziunea autorului asupra unor procese mai generale. Printre acestea se reg?se?te ?i o serie de recenzii sau prezent?ri mai ample ale unor c?r?i ap?rute ?n diverse ??ri, ?n englez? sau francez?, dar ?i ?n rom?n?, pe care le-am g?sit utile pentru ?n?elegerea unor fenomene de ordin geopolitic, economic ?i cultural, care marcheaz? lumea de azi, afect?nd ?n mod direct interesele na?ionale, identitatea colectiv? ?i perspectivele noastre de afirmare ?i d?inuire ?n istorie. Au fost incluse ?n acest volum ?i c?teva texte semnificative, traduse din rus? ?i francez?, apar?in?nd unor g?nditori de ieri ?i de azi, care consun? perfect cu viziunea autorului.

Lucrarea reprezint? o sintez? a teoriilor ce explic? apari?ia na?ionalismului ?n epoca modern?. Acesta a suferit importante transform?ri odat? cu industrializarea, democratizarea societ??ilor europene ?i alfabetizarea maselor. Raportarea permanent? la ?cel?lalt“, o sl?biciune a tuturor formelor de na?ionalism, a generat marile tragedii ale secolului XX, responsabile de genocid, epurare etnic? ?i crime ?mpotriva umanit??ii, iar tensiunile dintre na?iuni nu au fost dec?t ?n parte temperate de proiectul Europei unite, deocamdat? incomplet, dar necesar pentru pacea continentului. Autorul reu?e?te, prin tema abordat?, s? aduc? publicul mai aproape de marile fr?m?nt?ri ale prezentului, cu o excelent? bibliografie a subiectului.

Volumul reprezint? o binevenit? interogare a reziden?ei adev?ratului spirit democratic, tezaurizat nu ?n institu?iile reprezentative ale statului, ci ?n societate. Numai aici se afl? garan?ia reu?itei democratice a unui popor, pentru c? nimic nu poate asigura libertatea perpetu? a na?iunii mai mult dec?t permanenta responsabilizare a cet??enilor cu privire la destinul politic al comunit??ii ?n care tr?iesc.

Structurat? pe trei capitole, lucrarea ofer? o imagine de ansamblu – descriptiv?, explicativ?, interpretativ? ?i comprehensiv? – asupra complexului domeniu specific genului literar cunoscut sub numele de utopie. Din abordarea propus? nu lipsesc personalit??ile marcante ale genului, sublinierea locurilor comune scrierilor utopice, modalit??ile diferite ?n care au fost imaginate societ??ile perfecte de-a lungul timpului ori e?ecul tuturor ?ncerc?rilor de a transpune imaginarul ?n real. Studiul se adreseaz? at?t publicului larg, c?t ?i cititorului avizat, fiecare din cele dou? categorii descoperind informa?ii utile ?i repere interpretative.

O parte, o bun parte, poate chiar cea mai consistent i interesant parte a dizidenei ori rezistenei scriitorilor romni n raporturile lor cu puterea comunist zace n arhive: Arhivele Securitii, Arhivele Naionale, Arhivele Comitetului Politic Executiv al C.C. al P.C.R., arhivele Consiliului Culturii i Educaiei Socialiste, arhivele i documentele Direciei pentru Pres i Tiprituri .a. Gem arhivele de atta rezisten. Scriitorii i condeierii romni, n marea lor majoritate, i-au dobndit o trainic celebritate n partea noastr de lume, prin scrisori. n lumea lui Caragiale, tradiia petiiei este la ea acasa. Partidul Comunist Romn, Nicolae Ceauescu nusi au ncurajat aceasta form de rezisten, printr-o rubrica special aprut sptmnal n oficiosul partidului, Scnteia. Rubrica se intitula Scrisori adresate conducerii Partidului, tovarului Nicolae Ceauescu, personal“ i ea, aceast rubric, devenise un fel de zid al plngerii unde oamenii se spovedeau sptmnal semnalnd primului dizident al rii“ neregulile din viaa lor de zi cu zi, apsrile pe care le ndurau eroic din partea stpnilor din satrapiile n care era mprit Romnia i pe timpul dictaturii comuniste.“O culegere de documente n care figureaz eroi, mai puin eroi ai zilelor noastre i alte personaje greu ncadrabile n categorii distincte, aidoma unor personaje dostoievskiene. O carte fundamental, de istorie direct care ateapt s fie scris.

Ce greu este orice nceput! Dar necesar, de neocolit. Nu tim cum va fi sfritul, nu tim nici mcar ce form va lua drumul, dect n linii mari; dar pentru c suntem aici, pe acest pmnt i pe acest continent, Europa, trebuie s re-ncepem, moralitatea noastr va fi cea a luptei i a onestitii n lupt. Avem libertatea, adevrat, n sfrit o avem, a sosit att de trziu nct, dei o pipim i o simim, pare incredibil. Dar ea nu este mai mult dect o form, o form goal ce va trebui umplut...“ (Nicolae Breban)

Cele mai multe eseuri evoc?, nostalgic ?i ?ndrituit, biserici, personalit??i g?l??ene, bresle precum cea a pescarilor (Unde sunt pescarii de alt?dat??), P?p?dia, opera inginerului Mircea Roibu, Biblioteca ?V.A. Urechia“...Scris? bine, viu ?i alert, Dun?rea. Poveste ?i adev?r mi se pare a fi cea mai bun? carte a lui Zanfir Ilie. (Theodor Codreanu)Febril om de ac?iune, veritabil ferment cultural al urbei g?l??ene, dl. Ilie Zanfir este mereu ?n prima linie, p?storind, sub cupola Bibliotecii ?V. A. Urechia“, o serie de ?nt?mpl?ri de ecou. Neast?mp?ratul autor, mereu ?n alert?, mereu pus pe fapte mari, ne ?ncredin?eaz? un proasp?t buchet de ?eseuri danubiene“. Doldora de informa?ii, Dun?rea – poveste ?i adev?r poart?, sub pecetea nostalgiei, ?nt?mpl?ri de la mila 80, poveste?te despre marii oameni (precum ?santinela“ V. A. Urechia, veghind spa?iul carpato-balcanic) ?i depune m?rturie despre a?ezarea dintre ape, g?ndind tonic, cu ?optimism temperat“, la viitorul Gala?iului, redescoperindu-l... (Adrian Dinu Rachieru)Eseurile dun?rene sunt tot at?tea argumente de cuget, inim? ?i literatur?, pentru memoria, pentru prezentul ?i pentru viitorul celor trei entit??i personificate: Fluviul, Ora?ul ?i Comunitatea.Zanfir Ilie este dintre cei pu?ini care, parafraz?ndu-l pe Teren?iu (Homo sum et humani nihil a me alienum puto – Sunt om ?i nimic din ce este omenesc nu-mi este str?in) poate spune cu deplin? mul?umire: Sunt g?l??ean ?i nimic din ce ?ine de Gala?i nu-mi este str?in.Pe scurt, o carte de colec?ie pentru p?m?ntenii locului numit Gala?i, oriunde s-ar afla. (Theodor Parapiru)

《邓小平讲话实录》记述了邓小平从革命战争年代到社会主义建设中发挥的重要作用，他的历次讲话，尤其是他讲话中改革放这一主张，对我国的政治、经济、文化都有巨大的推动作用。其中，《演讲卷》记录了从1943年到1988年邓小平的历次重要演讲。内容涉及国家建设、干部选拔、军队国防、财政、教育、党内思想等诸多方面。时至今日，在党的十九大上立未来五年“工作坐标”时，仍然坚定着改革放的决心。全面深化改革，将“一张蓝图绘到底”，成为新时代改革新部署。除了精彩而充满智慧的讲话实录，本书在编写过程中还补充了大量的背景资料，让读者可以更清楚地了解当时的国际背景以及政策出台的前因后果，从国家建设、军队国防、民生要务、政治经济、文化教育、干部选拔、党建思想等诸多方面领略领袖人物的睿智与风采。改革放40年之际，《人民日报》评论：民族复兴必将在改革放程中实现。站在新的历史起上，回顾从邓小平“不改革死路一条”的大声疾呼，到*“改革不停顿、放不止步”的铮铮誓言，中国在困顿中踏上改革放之路，又在续奋斗中让这条伟大的道路不断向前。

本书记录了从1938年到1987年，邓小平参加的有关会议，并对邓小平在会议中所作的重要讲话、对一些政策问题的阐述、处理民生要务的方法和态度等行了详细的叙述和评析。

本书记录了从1964年到1990年，邓小平会见外国元首和中外记者时的谈话内容，涉及中国的改革放、对外交往政策、台湾问题、香港问题、西藏问题、对*的评价等问题。

The book is not a discussion of measures or of programs. It is an attempt to express the new spirit of our politics and to set forth, in large terms which may stick in the imagination, what it is that must be done if we are to restore our politics to their full spiritual vigor again, and our national life, whether in trade, in industry, or in what concerns us only as families and individuals, to its purity, its self-respect, and its pristine strength and freedom. The New Freedom is only the old revived and clothed in the unconquerable strength of modern America. I have not written a book since the campaign. I did not write this book at all. It is the result of the editorial literary skill of Mr. William Bayard Hale, who has put together here in their right sequences the more suggestive portions of my campaign speeches.And yet it is not a book of campaign speeches. It is a discussion of a number of very vital subjects in the free form of extemporaneously spoken words. I have left the sentences in the form in which they were stenographically reported. I have not tried to alter the easy-going and often colloquial phraseology in which they were uttered from the platform, in the hope that they would seem the more fresh and spontaneous because of their very lack of pruning and recasting. They have been suffered to run their unpremeditated course even at the cost of such repetition and redundancy as the ex-temporaneous speaker apparently inevitably falls into. WOODROW WILSON. ABOUT WOLSON: Thomas Woodrow Wilson, known as Woodrow Wil-son (1856 –1924), was an American politician and academic who served as the 28th President of the United States from 1913 to 1921. Born in Staunton, Virginia, he spent his early years in Augusta, Georgia and Columbia, South Carolina. Wilson earned a PhD in political science at Johns Hopkins University, and served as a professor and scholar at various institutions before being chosen as President of Princeton University, a position he held from 1902 to 1910. In the election of 1910, he was the gubernatorial candidate of New Jersey's Democratic Party, and was elected the 34th Governor of New Jersey, serving from 1911 to 1913. Running for president in 1912, Wilson benefited from a split in the Republican Party, which enabled his plurality of just over forty percent to win him a large electoral college margin. He was the first Southerner elected as president since 1848, and Wilson was a lea-ding force in theProgressive Movement, bolstered by his Democratic Party's winning control of both the White House and Congress in 1912. In office, Wilson reintroduced the spoken State of the Union, which had been out of use since 1801. Leading the Congress, now in Democratic hands, he oversaw the passage of progressive legislative policies unparalleled until the New Deal in 1933. Included among these were the Federal Reserve Act, Federal Trade Commission Act, the Clayton Antitrust Act, and the Federal Farm Loan Act. Having taken office one month after ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment, Wilson called a special session of Congress, whose work culminated in theRevenue Act of 1913, reintroducing an income tax and lowering tariffs. Through passage of the Adamson Act, imposing an 8-hour workday for railroads, he averted a railroad strike and an ensuing economic crisis. Upon the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Wilson maintained a policy of neutrality, while pursuing a more aggressive policy in dealing with Mexico's civil war. ***

Türkiye’nin savata ve barta en ok konutuu konularn banda “Kürt Sorunu” geliyor. Ancak bununla ters orantl olarak Kürt toplumunun yaps, deerleri, deiimi, iliki alar vb. üzerine yaplm nitelikli alan almas bulmak zordur. almalar daha ok Kürt tarihi, dili ve kültürü üzerine yaplm incelemeler. Bunlarn genelde airet Kürtlerinin yaantsn ele alm batllarn almalarna atfla hazrland grülüyor. Dolaysyla “modern” kavram anlamszlayor. Bunun en tipik rneklerinden biri Bruinessen’in almasn yapt Kürt toplumsal düzlemini “aa, eyh, devlet” ekseninde okumas buna karn günümüzde geerliliini kaybetmekte olan bu ve benzeri okumalarn Türke almalarda sklkla tekrarlanmasdr. Oysa Türkiye’deki Kürtler 90 sonrasnda ok büyük bir sosyo-politik deiim yaamtr. alma, 1990 sonras Güneydou Kürt toplumunda dini ve geleneksel hayatn deiimini makro biimde ele alyor. Devlet, PKK, Hizbullah, zorunlu/istee bal gler, medreseler/seydalar, yerel eyhler ve modernlemenin dini-geleneksel hayata etkileri gezi, gzlem, literatür taramas ve mülakatlarla farkl ynleriyle aratrld .. *** Güneydou son 30 ylda sosyal deiimin nemli unsurlar arasnda grülen, ehirleme, modernleme, gler, terr-iddet hadiseleri ve iletiim aralarndaki gelimeler gibi hemen bütün faktrleri beraber yaad. Dolaysyla toplumsal deerlerde pozitif ya da negatif ynde nemli deiimlerin meydana geldii ngrülebilir. Cumhuriyet tarihi boyunca tartmal konularn odanda bulunan ve ülkenin geri kalanna gre daha yava bir sosyo-ekonomik deiim yaayan blge, yakn dnemde nemli yapsal deiimlere tanklk etti. Bunlarn en gze arpanlarndan birisi blge halknn büyük ounluunun son 20-30 ylda ehirlere g etmesidir. PKK ile mücadele etmek iin karlan OHAL kanunlarnn uygulanmas esnasnda yaanan maduriyetler halk ge zorlad. Halk, g sonrasnda kendini iddet eylemleri, isizlik, konut sknts ve ekonomik bunalm ierisinde buldu. Bu durumun blgede dini ve sosyal yaamda daha ok dejenerasyona sebep olduu gzleniyor. Ayn ekilde PKK ve Hizbullah’n faaliyetlerinin de toplumsal deerler sistemini etkiledii ak. 2000’li yllardan sonra yaanan hzl modernlemeyse dini ve sosyal hayatta deiimin ayr bir tetikleyicisi oldu. Bu ksmen dindarlamaya ksmen de lümpenlemeye yol aan bir süreti. Blgede yaanan sosyal deiim sonucunda, Kürt aratrmalarnda sklkla atf yaplan, “aa, eyh-seyda, devlet” eksenli analizler aklama gücünü kaybediyor. Geleneksel otoriteler tamamen etkisizlemese de modern, dini ve seküler rgütlenmeler, internet, moda ve popüler kültür gündelik yaamda, büyük lüde deerleri ekillendirme gücüne ulat. Sonu olarak gelenek-modernite, dinsel-seküler olann bir arada yaand ve Müslüman, Türk, Kürt, Diyarbakrl, Mardinli, Cizreli gibi kolektif kimlikler yerine daha modern saylabilecek senkretik kimliklerin ne kmaya balad bir toplum ortaya kyor. Bu adan yaanan gelimelerin blgenin toplumsal deerler sisteminde yapt etkilerin aratrlmas gereklilik arz etmiti. Bu alma ubat 2015 tarihinde Uluda niversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü tarafndan onaylanan, “DiyarbakrHalknn Geleneksel ve Dini Deerlerdeki Deiime Yaklam zerine Sosyolojik Bir nceleme (1990-2013)” isimli doktora almasnn geniletilmesiyle hazrland. Bu sürete, skc ve dolambal bulunan akademik dilin genel okuyucuya uygun hale getirilmesi hedeflendi. Maalesef konunun arl ve derinlemesine incelenmesi gereklilii almann okunmasn zorlatrd. Diyarbakr dndaki Siirt, Bitlis, Mardin, Batmanve rnakilleri daha nceki grümelere ilaveten bu tarihlerden sonra yaplan gezi, gzlem ve literatür taramalaryla tekrar incelendi.

Cu o precizie remarcabil?, George Friedman a prognozat tendin?e viitoare ?n politica, tehnologia, cultura ?i demografia global?. ?n Puncte de presiune, Friedman se concentreaz? asupra Europei – centrul cultural ?i de putere al lumii ?n ultimele cinci secole... p?n? acum. Analiz?nd cele mai instabile, imprevizibile ?i fascinante linii de grani?? ale Europei ?i Rusiei – ?i liniile de falie care au existat vreme de secole ?i care au fost motivul a numeroase r?zboaie catastrofale – Friedman scoate ?n eviden??, ?ntr-o modalitate inedit?, punctele de presiune care au ?nceput din nou s? cedeze. Uniunea European? de ast?zi a fost construit? ?n mare parte pentru a reduce la minimum tensiunile geopolitice care au sf??iat continentul de-a lungul istoriei. Dup? cum demonstreaz? Friedman, folosindu-se de o bogat? analiz? istoric? ?i cultural?, acest model a ?nceput s? ??i arate limitele. Puncte de presiune relateaz? istoria vie a Europei ?i explic?, cu mult? claritate, care sunt cele mai volatile regiuni ale acesteia: teritoriul agitat ?i mereu ?n schimbare dintre Occident ?i Rusia (o zon? mare care include, ?n prezent, Ucraina, Belarus ?i Lituania); vechea linie de grani?? dintre Germania ?i Fran?a ?i zona Mediteranei, care este leag?nul iudaismului ?i al cre?tinismului ?i care a devenit un centru al vie?ii islamice. Din paginile scrise de Friedman se desprinde o imagine clar? a regiunilor ?i ??rilor, iar istoria ?ncepe s? se contureze precis. Puncte de presiune este o analiz? cuprinz?toare a Europei moderne, a trecutului s?u remarcabil ?i a faliilor care s-au trezit la via?? ?i care vor fi fundamentale ?n viitorul apropiat. Aceasta este cea mai oportun? ?i, p?n? la urm?, cea mai fascinant? carte a lui Friedman. ?... ?n preajma lui George Friedman, exist? mereu tenta?ia de a-l confunda cu un glob de cristal, capabil s? ??i arate viitorul.“ — The New York Times Magazine ?Friedman descrie ?n culori vii o regiune unde amintirile sunt vechi, vulnerabilit??ile omniprezente ?i amenin??rile apar rapid ?i pe nea?teptate...“ — Publishers Weekly ?Kronika“ este colec?ia ?n care umanitatea este reconstruit? prin c?r?i care ne ajut? s? p?trundem ?n culisele celor mai interesante evenimente politice, sociale sau financiare de ieri ?i de ast?zi.

The “Manifesto of the Communist Party” was written by Marx and Engels as the Communist League’s programme on the instruction of its Second Congress (London, November 29-December 8, 1847), which signified a victory for the followers of a new proletarian line during the discussion of the programme questions. ??When Congress was still in preparation, Marx and Engels arrived at the conclusion that the final programme document should be in the form of a Party manifesto (see Engels’ letter to Marx of November 23-24, 1847). The catechism form usual for the secret societies of the time and retained in the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith” and “Principles of Communism,” was not suitable for a full and substantial exposition of the new revolutionary world outlook, for a comprehensive formulation of the proletarian movement’s aims and tasks. See also “Demands of the Communist Party in Germany,” issued by Marx soon after publication of the Manifesto, which addressed the immediate demands of the movement. ??Marx and Engels began working together on the Manifesto while they were still in London immediately after the congress, and continued until about December 13 when Marx returned to Brussels; they resumed their work four days later (December 17) when Engels arrived there. After Engels’ departure for Paris at the end of December and up to his return on January 31, Marx worked on the Manifesto alone. ??The first edition of the Manifesto was a 23-page pamphlet in a dark green cover. In April-May 1848 another edition was put out. The text took up 30 pages, some misprints of the first edition were corrected, and the punctuation improved. Subsequently this text was used by Marx and Engels as a basis for later authorised editions. Between March and July 1848 the Manifesto was printed in the Deutsche Londoner Zeitung, a democratic newspaper of the German emigrants. Already that same year numerous efforts were made to publish the Manifesto in other European languages. A Danish, a Polish (in Paris) and a Swedish (under a different title: “The Voice of Communism. Declaration of the Communist Party”) editions appeared in 1848. The translations into French, Italian and Spanish made at that time remained unpublished. In April 1848, Engels, then in Barmen, was translating the Manifesto into English, but he managed to translate only half of it, and the first English translation, made by Helen Macfarlane, was not published until two years later, between June and November 1850, in the Chartist journal The Red Republican. Its editor, Julian Harney, named the authors for the first time in the introduction to this publication. All earlier and many subsequent editions of the Manifesto were anonymous.

nlü Yunan filozofu Aristoteles'n yk olduu sanlan "Atinallarn Devleti" adl yazs, Msr'dan Londra'daki British Museum'a getirilmi olan bir papirus elyazmasnn ortaya kartlmasyla 1891 yl ubat aynda yeniden tannd. Elyazmasnn ilk okuyucusu ve ortaya karcs F. G. Kenyon'dur. Aristoteles'n eseri, n yüzü sa'nn doumundan sonraki 78-79 ylyla ilgili hesaplarla dolu drt papirusun arka yüzüne yazlmtr. Ancak hesaplar zamanla nemini kaybettikten sonra bu papirüsler Aristoteles'n eserini kopya etmek iin kullanlm olabileceklerinden, bu elyazmas yaklak olarak sa'nn doumundan sonraki birinci yüzyln sonlarna doru tarihlenebilir. Elyazmasnda kitabn ba yoktur. Papirus üzerinde ne kitabn ad, ne de kitabn yazarnn ad vardr. Fakat bunun Aristoteles'n Atina devleti üzerine yazm olduu yaz olduundan üphe etmemize bir neden yoktur. ünkü Aristoteles'ten sonraki birtakm eska adamlarnn yazlarndaki gndermelerle Aristoteles'n eserinden bugüne kalm olan paralar bu papiruste buluyoruz. Aristoteles sekiz kitaba ayrlan "Devlet Bilgisi" adl eserine temel olmak üzere daha nce 158 tane baka baka devlet biimini yazp toplamt. Bunlar arasnda "Atinallarn Devleti" herhalde en büyüü olacak: Atina'nn uzun zamandan beri Hellas'n ba devleti olmas, Aristoteles'n hayatnn yarsndan ounu Atina'da geirmi bulunmas bunu gerektirir. Kitapta anlatlan ve kitapta bulunmayan olaylara bakarak Aristoteles'n bu eserini sa'nn doumundan nceki 329 ylyla 325 yl arasnda yazm olduu sylenebilir. Demek oluyor ki kitap Aristoteles'n son yllarnn ürünüdür. "Atinallarn Devleti" biri tarihsel (blüm 1 - 41), teki sistematik (blüm 42 - 69) iki anakesimden kuruluyor. Birinci anakesimde u drt badilim vardr: 1-12. blümler monarkhiadan oligarkhiaya geii, Drakon'la Solon'un kark olan durumu düzeltmeye almalarn anlatyor; 13-19. blümlerde tyrannoluun gelimesi ve devrilmesi gsteriliyor; 20-28. blümlerde demokratiann nasl gelitiini, en yüksek basamaa nasl trmandn grüyoruz; 29-40. blümlerde oligarkhik deiikliklerle bunlara kar yaplan tepkilerden uzun uzun sz alyor ve sonunda 41. blümde de batan balanarak bütün deiiklikler ksaca yeniden anlyor. kinci anakesim drt badilimde srayla unlar anlatyor: Yurttalk hakk (bol. 42), Beyüzler ve halk meclislerinin düzenleri, yetkileri ve ileri (43-46). Memurlarn devleti ynetmeleri (47-62) ve mahkemeler (63-69). Aristoteles, eserini sa'nn doumundan nceki drdüncü yüzyldaki Yunanllar iin yazdndan o zaman herkese bilinen, fakat bugünkü okuyucularn okuduklarn iyice anlayabilmeleri iin eski Yunan tarihiyle uramalarn gerektiren birtakm eyleri anlatmtr.

Volumul constituie o fereastr? larg deschis? c?tre documentele extrase din arhivele cenzurii. Dezv?luirile explozive, atestate ?n aceste acte secrete, sunt menite s? lumineze o fa?? a istoriei rom?nilor, p?n? acum mai bine de un deceniu ascuns?.Cartea se adreseaz? elevilor, studen?ilor, precum ?i publicului larg de cititori.

美国，从立国、崛起到称霸，走过的套路好像武侠小说中的“大侠”； 欧洲，曾经是“武林盟主”，不过已经“退居二线”； 俄罗斯，在地缘战略上的诉求就和其国徽上的双头鹰一样——左顾右盼； 印度，要做“有声有色”的大国，实际情况却因其独特的地理环境变得复杂； 中国，具备成为“王者”的所有条件，但要想真正“上位”，还必须依靠智慧和勇气，踏踏实实拼出来！

江苏省委、省政府历来高度重视援藏援疆工作，贯彻中央决策坚定有力，措施扎实有效。20多年来，江苏投了大量的人力、物力、财力，先后分别派出9批援藏援疆干部，为西藏和新疆的发展做出了不可磨灭的贡献。为记录江苏对口支援西藏、新疆经济社会发展的历程与成就，展现援藏援疆干部热爱边疆、倾情奉献的精神风貌，反映江苏人民与西藏、新疆各族人民的深情厚谊，江苏省地方志办公室组织编纂了《江苏援藏援疆纪事（1994—2019）》，并以此向新中国成立70周年献礼。

本书从政治的角度关注土地改革运动，探讨它对于国家－乡村关系、乡村民众动员、村庄权力结构、村落政治文化和农民日常生活等方面产生的巨大影响。以基层土改文件为主体资料，宏观上着眼于国家与乡村社会关系的重构，微观上聚焦于群众运动在村庄层面的实际运作，对华北土地改革运动作了较为全面、深的政治学分析。

本书介绍了中国与联合国之间的关系，并对中国与联合国关系的历史渊源做了梳理。全书共分七章，分别为：中国与联合国的成立，新中国恢复在联合国的合法权利，中国与联合国维和行动，中国与联合国可持续发展议程，中国与联合国改革，中国与联合国秘书长，中国的联合国外交。