The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Tko od ove knjige o?ekuje milost, ne?e je dobiti. Mirko Kova? svojim tekstom ulazi u "materiju" kao ?to se skalpelom prodire u gnojno tkivo, a "materija" je, uza sve svoje razli?ite manifestacije, uvijek ista: odnos umjetnosti i ideologije, bardova nacionalne kulture i nositelja politi?ke sile, knji?evnika i mo?nika, ili - u nemalome broju slu?ajeva - jednih te istih. Danas nema pisca koji bi, plemenskim zakonima usprkos, bio u stanju superiornije od Kova?a podrivati nacionalne mitove i raskrinkati kulturne pogone za proizvodnju zla. Blistavim stilom, nenadma?nom erudicijom i polemi?kom lucidno??u, on se bavi svojevrsnom razgradnjom spomeni?ke ba?tine. I ba? zbog toga ?to nema uzmaka, ?to sa svake stranice frcaju krhotine i izbijaju autenti?ni totalitarni mrakovi, Mirko Kova? sastavlja jedinstvenu posvetu ljudskom dostojanstvu i te?nji za slobodom, na na?in koji nema premca u suvremenoj europskoj knji?evnosti. Viktor Ivan?i?

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

"...az els? magyar regény, amely g?rbe tük?rben, de megért? szeretettel mutatja be a mai társadalom társkeres? igyekezetét." (Tímár Péter, filmrendez?) "Nem érdemes letenni!" (Schell Judit, színészn?)Hogyan fogjunk pasit negyven f?l?tt? Ahogy ennek a k?nyvnek a f?szerepl?i, talán te is úgy próbálod megtalálni az igazit újra és újra. Eltér? jellemek, eltér? sorsok. Egyben azonban megegyeznek: mindannyian várják még a ?nagy szerelmet”, mik?zben megmosolyogtatóan csetlenek-botlanak a párkeresés labirintusában. Nem akarják elhinni, hogy a mesebeli királyfi nem létezik, ezért kicsit pironkodva bár, de fejest ugranak az internetes társkeresés mélyvizébe, és tucatnyi ?bénázást” k?vet?en rátalálnak a boldogságukra. Vagy mégsem? Netán azt is megbánják, hogy belekezdtek? Létezik-e boldog párkapcsolat, ha már elmúltál negyven? Békésy Erika nem próbál elmélyült társadalomrajzot adni, mégis felvillant helyzeteket a mai magyar valóságból. Szatirikus hangvétel, perg? ritmus, komikus helyzetek, groteszkbe hajló figurák, és humor, humor, humor. Ezek jellemzik a felh?tlen szórakozást nyújtó regényt.

Ця книга — про економ?ку як просту науку, яку здатен збагнути кожен. Автор — корейський економ?ст Ха-Юн Чан? — показу? нам ?закритий? св?т економ?ки, що прихову?ться в?д загалу за купою чисел, заплутаних формул та незрозум?лих терм?н?в. У книз? стверджу?ться: знатися на економ?ц? може ? повинен кожен.??Серед усього ?ншого автор розм?ркову? над причинами св?тово? кризи 2008 року, над тим, чи справд? люди б?дн?, бо л?нив?, а ус? багат? — працьовит?, а також чи може кра?на досягти економ?чних усп?х?в, перестрибнувши через етап ?ндустр?ал?зац??. ? все це — доступною, подекуди жарт?вливою, мовою.??

Для усп?ху в сучасному св?т? треба не лише знати б?льше, працювати швидше, а й мислити ориг?нально. Бо вигра? той, хто першим знайде нетрив?альний розв’язок проблеми. Автори св?тового бестселера ?Фр?коном?ка? Ст?вен Лев?тт ? Ст?вен Дабнер пропонують читачам перелаштувати спос?б мислення ? застосовувати нестандартн? п?дходи до розв’язання р?зноман?тних ситуац?й. ??У книжц? з?брано малов?дом? факти з ?стор??, психолог??, економ?ки, а ?рон?чний стиль не дасть читачев? нудьгувати.

Кому буде належати св?т наприк?нц? XXI стол?ття? Чи мав рац?ю Карл Маркс, об?цяючи неминучу загибель кап?тал?зму? Як сусп?льство ? держава повинн? реагувати на зростаючу пр?рву м?ж багатими ? б?дними???На ц? та ?нш? питання французький економ?ст Тома П?кетт? да? вичерпн? в?дпов?д? у ц?й книз?. Автор жодним чином не претенду? на беззаперечн?сть сво?х ?дей. На приклад? ?вропи ? США в?н розгляда? концепц?? розвитку кап?талу в?д ХV??? стол?ття й до сьогодн?, ус? сво? ?де? п?дкр?плю? ретельно розробленими таблицями, елементарними та ус?м зрозум?лими формулами, нав?ть прикладами з класичного та сучасного мистецтва.??Книга П?кетт? розширю? ? поглиблю? наш? знання про такий складний орган?зм, як кап?тал, що по-сво?му росте, розвива?ться, пережива? кризи та депрес??, в?дновлю?ться ? набува? нових форм.??

Desenvolvimento regional: um problema político vem a público em época oportuna, na medida em que contribui para a discuss?o da política econ?mica brasileira, notadamente a orientada para o desenvolvimento regional. Trata, pela primeira vez, em conjunto, dos dois mais importantes experimentos de desenvolvimento regional realizados no Ocidente: o da Cassa per il Mezzogiorno e o da SUDENE. Analisa-se aqui o processo de esvaziamento político e institucional a que foram submetidas a “Cassa” e a SUDENE, destacando-se suas causas e consequências para a economia dessas regi?es. Apresenta as perspectivas de renova??o da SUDENE, dependentes de decis?es eminentemente políticas, incluindo também o exame do atual Sistema Brasileiro de Planejamento.

A obten??o de resultados consistentes,sustentáveis e legítimos do ponto de vista social tem sido preocupa??o crescente no ?mbito do debate sobre políticas públicas. A obra trata do processo de avalia??o de políticas urbanas, enfocando sua formula??o, formaliza??o e implementa??o, bem como as inst?ncias sociais e os instrumentos para acompanhamento e controle dos resultados.

When, in 1831, Alexis de Tocqueville came to study Democracy in America, the trial of nearly a half-century of the working of our system had been made, and it had been proved, by many crucial tests, to be a government of "liberty regulated by law," with such results in the development of strength, in population, wealth, and military and commercial power, as no age had ever witnessed. De Tocqueville had a special inquiry to prosecute, in his visit to America, in which his generous and faithful soul and the powers of his great intellect were engaged in the patriotic effort to secure to the people of France the blessings that Democracy in America had ordained and established throughout nearly the entire Western Hemisphere. He had read the story of the French Revolution, much of which had been recently written in the blood of men and women of great distinction who were his progenitors; and had witnessed the agitations and terrors of the Restoration and of the Second Republic, fruitful in crime and sacrifice, and barren of any good to mankind. He had just witnessed the spread of republican government through all the vast continental possessions of Spain in America, and the loss of her great colonies. He had seen that these revolutions were accomplished almost without the shedding of blood, and he was filled with anxiety to learn the causes that had placed republican government, in France, in such contrast with Democracy in America. De Tocqueville was scarcely thirty years old when he began his studies of Democracy in America. It was a bold effort for one who had no special training in government, or in the study of political economy, but he had the example of Lafayette in establishing the military foundation of these liberties, and of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Hamilton, all of whom were young men, in building upon the Independence of the United States that wisest and best plan of general government that was ever devised for a free people.

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

Este livro resulta desse processo e conta com a participa??o de docentes e discentes que integram o Grupo de Estudos, Pesquisas e Assessoria em Políticas Sociais (GEAPS) e o Núcleo de Estudos, Pesquisas e Práticas Sociais (NUPEPS). Apresenta discuss?es de grande import?ncia para o Servi?o Social, na medida em que se prop?em refletir sobre Seguridade Social no Brasil, trazendo discuss?es mais amplas como: o financiamento e a mercantilizar?o das políticas sociais; a trajetória histórica do controle social, especialmente no ?mbito da saúde; e a gest?o do trabalho no Sistema ?nico de Saúde (SUS) no contexto da reestrutura??o produtiva.Encontramos também nesta colet?nea textos que apresentam resultados de investiga??o que tiveram por objetivo analisar de forma mais específica a realidade do município de Campina Grande (PB), no que se refere à implanta??o da Estratégia Saúde da Família, a partir da avalia??o de profissionais da área; às concep??es de aconselhamento de DST/Aids a gestantes por parte dos profissionais das Unidades Básicas de Saúde da Família; e às Organiza??es da Sociedade Civil de atendimento às pessoas com deficiência.

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

THIS BOOK, First published anonymously, March 1880, and soon in various unauthorized editions. It wasn't until the 1925 edition that Adams was listed as author. Henry Adams remarked (ironically as usual), "The wholesale piracy of Democracy was the single real triumph of my life."—it was very popular, as readers tried to guess who the author was and who the characters really were. ON the first of December, Mrs. Lee took the train for Washington, and before five o'clock that evening she was entering her newly hired house on Lafayette Square. She shrugged her shoulders with a mingled expression of contempt and grief at the curious barbarism of the curtains and the wall-papers, and her next two days were occupied with a life-and-death struggle to get the mastery over her surroundings. In this awful contest the interior of the doomed house suffered as though a demon were in it; not a chair, not a mirror, not a carpet, was left untouched, and in the midst of the worst confusion the new mistress sat, calm as the statue of Andrew Jackson in the square under her eyes, and issued her orders with as much decision as that hero had ever shown. Towards the close of the second day, victory crowned her forehead. A new era, a nobler conception of duty and existence, had dawned upon that benighted and heathen residence. The wealth of Syria and Persia was poured out upon the melancholy Wilton carpets; embroidered comets and woven gold from Japan and Teheran depended from and covered over every sad stuff-curtain; a strange medley of sketches, paintings, fans, embroideries, and porcelain was hung, nailed, pinned, or stuck against the wall; finally the domestic altarpiece, the mystical Corot landscape, was hoisted to its place over the parlour fire, and then all was over. The setting sun streamed softly in at the windows, and peace reigned in that redeemed house and in the heart of its mistress. "I think it will do now, Sybil," said she, surveying the scene.

初版于1957年的《国王的两个身体》，作为一部屡屡重印、畅销不衰的经典之作，已被翻译成了十几种语言，在探求中世纪政治神学之谜方面指引了几代学人，甚至被誉为中世纪政治思想史方面*重要的著作。 作者恩斯特·H.坎托洛维奇是20世纪杰出的中世纪史学家，他深中世纪追溯了“国王的两个身体”——自然身体和政治身体——所造成的历史悖论：国王的自然身体使国王如常人一样，不免生老病死；而国王的政治身体或灵性身体却超凡脱俗，充任国王职位的象征，享有统治的神圣大权。“两个身体”的概念让君主制就算在君主死亡后仍保有连续性，这一集中体现于“国王死了，国王永生”这句葬仪用语。 该书将有关中世纪王权观念的法学、神学、图像学、古币学等方面的史料结合在一起，探寻了国王二体论在基督教时代的演，揭示了西方中世纪后期至现代早期(11—16世纪)如何逐步发展出一种政治神学，以及共同体如何为了建立自己的主权而拟制出一套象征手法，又是如何借助这些象征手法来塑造民族—国家的早期形态。 本书译者前后历时10年，参照了日语、俄语、德语、法语、意大利语、西班牙语译本，对正文和注释的翻译均力求做到准确、流畅；德国法兰克福大学坎托洛维奇研究专家古迪安（J.Gudian）为中译本撰写了长篇导读，对曾任职于法兰克福大学的坎托洛维奇的写作背景和意图作了精彩分析，同时也多视角地展现了国外学界对《国王的两个身体》的*研究动态。

第三卷收集的是1930-1949年间中国政党理论的文献资料。以编者查阅的国内报刊篇章、专题文集、个人文集（全集选集等）看，其中涉及政党论说的篇章不下1500余篇。较之*卷、第二卷所包含的内容更多、所显示的特征更为复杂，不过，限于篇幅，本卷只能选其中的1/6予以编辑。此一时期，以欧美政党政治为圭臬，试图应用于中国的声音相对微弱，但不绝如缕；受了“列宁主义政党”理论并应用于实际行动的中共政党学说经历直采用失败，民族化、中国化、时代化之后迅速成效，影响至巨；处于执政地位的国民党局限于自身的革命阶段论和仿联共（布）而又无法在组织上成型、行动中成效的过程中力量逐渐消蚀。在这一过程中，中国政党理论的特殊性于知识界的品评中“无心插柳”般地显现出来，同时知识界这一时期的政党观也在“有意栽花”中展示了出来。

本书系统梳理了十八大以来以*同志为核心的党中央针对中国特色社会主义新时代的主要矛盾，在改革发展稳定、内政外交国防、治党治国治军等各个领域形成的一系列新理念新思想新战略；详细论述了实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦、坚持和发展中国特色社会主义的主题、“四个全面”战略布局、“五位一体”总体布局、外交和国防战略、*新时代中国特色社会主义思想方法论等内容；全面展现了*新时代中国特色社会主义思想对马克思列宁主义、*思想、邓小平理论、“三个代表”重要思想和科学发展观的继承和发展。本书对理解和掌握*新时代中国特色社会主义思想的思想观、基本内容、内在逻辑，更好发挥其对新时代中国特色社会主义建设的指导作用，具有重要的理论和实践意义。

本书作者从认知心理学角度对一些国际政治的重大问题做出了解释，如为什么国家原本可以维持和平，却走向了战争？为什么国家原本可以合作，却选择了冲突？为什么国家间的敌意如此容易升温，而友谊却如此难以维系？他认为，为了追寻战争和冲突的原因，不仅要分析国际体系和国家体制，而且要研究决策者个人的认知心理，探寻决策者知觉形成的原因，分析错误知觉可能产生的后果。

陈独秀是中共历史上的重要人物，研究他，对深化中共党史研究有着重要意义。本书是李颖的博士论文，为当年的优秀论文，并已于2005年出版。本次修订重版，增加了部分新的研究材料，对一些讹误也行了修改。 中国革命与苏俄、共产国际有着不解之缘。这一历史特征在陈独秀身上表现得格外突出。陈独秀全部的思想和活动，从始至终几乎都与共产国际的影响有着千丝万缕的联系，解析二者之间的关系是陈独秀研究取得突破的一把钥匙。 本书一方面充实和扩展了共产国际与中国革命关系研究的内容。另一方面也启了陈独秀研究的新角度，同样充实了陈独秀的研究，即用陈独秀与共产国际关系这样一条贯穿陈独秀一生的主线，重新解析陈独秀政治思想的历史发展脉络。

本书以加拿大的中等国家外交思想与国内政治文化为研究主轴，分析与探究了加拿大的“多边外交”的偏好以及自我定位国际政治（危机）中的“斡旋者”和“修复者”的内在政治文化的因素，并对加拿大在全球治理中的“悄悄贡献者”和“影子行为体”角色行了全方位的考察和研究。作者兼顾了当前的中加关系态势，对加拿大涉华智库和知华派以及中加关系的历史发展也行了全面梳理。本书为中国学者、政策决策者以及智库专家和读者提供了*、*系统的加拿大国别研究的专业知识和文本。   

托克维尔的可贵之处在于，他既肯定了民主的自然正当性和政治正义性，又未回避民主对人类自由和伟大带来的潜在威胁，而围绕“驯服民主”主题，提出诸种政治方案来克服民主自发的衰败趋势，且阐明：人类自由必须通过政治自由来捍卫，而且民主只有与约束民主的反向机制共存才能维持自身健康与存在。本书基于对托克维尔的著作和*手相关文献的全面、深研究，围绕“现代民主问题及其诊疗”这个主题，梳理并建构出托克维尔关于现代西方民主的系统思考，通过本研究期望澄清对托克维尔的一些误读。