《悬崖村》是一部聚焦“三区三州”深度贫困地区决战决胜脱贫攻坚的报告文学。作品真实记录了全国*的彝族聚居区、典型的深度贫困地区、脱贫攻坚主战场四川省凉山彝族自治州昭觉县支尔莫乡 “悬崖村”（阿土勒尔村）脱贫攻坚的奋斗历程，生动讲述了彝族同胞从悬崖村上造幸福生活的故事。 《悬崖村》以图文并茂的形式，客观而真实地呈现了“悬崖村”所处的恶劣自然环境和交通条件，反映了在响脱贫攻坚战以来，“悬崖村”村民在党和政府的重视与支持下，在社会各界的帮助下，在基层党员干部的精准帮扶下，转变思想观念，不等不靠，自力更生，艰苦奋斗，用自己辛勤的双手，养好山羊，种下青花椒、脐橙、核桃、油橄榄，建起方便出行的钢梯，发展旅游业，狠抓教育，找到了适合当地特色的发展之路，正经历着从贫穷、落后到富裕、快速发展的改变，再次实现了“一步跨千年”的奇迹，唱响了乡村振兴的时代新声。

当今世界面临百年未有之大变局。民粹主义、*主义、反全球化势力兴起，世界是步的还是可逆的？未来的世界会更好吗？本书提出，化解世界之痛，在于民心相通，构建人类命运共同体。 作者指出，新时代中国公共外交的挑战在于如何应因世界对中国存在的“恐惧与希望之间"的心理认知。化解恐惧，回应希望，核心在于民心相通，超越美式公共外交基于基督教情结的所谓"赢得民心"，使命在于让世界认识、认可、认同中国，形成中国与世界的共识、共鸣、共振。为此应该追求政策目标、价值理念、外交行为的三位一体、知行合一。 《国之交如何民相亲》是新时代中国公共外交的积极探索，对于理解"一带一路"民心相通、理解中国公共外交智慧很有启发，也可作为大专院校外交学及公共外交教材，还可供关心中国形象、致力于民心相通的各界人士参考。

本书所要回答和解决的问题是：朝廷的法典条文，民间的礼仪习欲，者者如何交织在一起，指导着“华南”这个有意识的、历时数百年的地域建构程？本书显示：历史王朝都致力于华南的政治整合，要培养出敬畏官府、纳粮当差、安分守己的良民。这套语言有两个互相发明的关键词：“皇帝”、“宗族”。它们渗透到一切礼节、身份、地位、财产权、商业习惯、社会流动、社区构建之中。华南与王朝中央之间的正统纽带，不仅建立于里甲与祀典之上，也建立在“宗教”这套语言之上。

  一场战争悲剧，一段生存奇迹 1943年5月的一个下午，一架美军轰炸机坠太平洋，从此失去踪迹，海面上只留下一堆飞机残骸、油料和血迹。不久，一名中尉浮出海面，他拼命游向一只救生筏，爬了上去，从此展了第二次世界大战中*非凡的一段旅程。 这名中尉便是路易•赞贝里尼。少年时期，他曾是不可救药的小魔头；青年时期，他将不服输的精神融赛跑项目中，展现出惊人天赋，并参加了1936年的柏林奥运会。二战爆发后，路易•赞贝里尼愤而从军，但一次寻常的飞行任务却将他引向了未知的深渊。 等待路易•赞贝里尼的，是万里无垠的汪洋大海和不时跃出水面的鲨鱼，饥饿、干渴、敌机不断威胁着他的生命；更为可怕的，是在日军战俘营中度过的700多个日日夜夜。他的命运，都悬在那根已渐渐磨损的意志之弦上……

★ 历史是在北纬20°与北纬60°之间创造出来的”一说有何依据？斯拜克曼为何在60 年前就能准确预见中国的崛起？ ★ 同为金砖国家，中国比巴西更有成为世界性大国的发展潜力，是地理位置决定的？中国在向中亚心脏地带施加影响的同时，对大陆边缘地带的东南亚和东北亚产生了怎样影响？ ★ 为何说海洋是自由主义和西方民主扎根的自然条件？陆权代表苏联在与海权代表美国的终极对决中，为何败下阵来？崛起中的中国和印度格外推崇马汉的海权论是否受此启发？ ★ 麦金德准确预见了北约与苏联的对抗以及苏联的解体？德国的中心地理位置及其内在文化态度将怎样决定欧洲的走向? 在本书中，卡普兰以地理为主线，通过地图导出地缘政治，并将地理作为手术刀，结合其毕生的观察、发现和相关理论来剖析国际关系和全球化中无法解释的冲突。同时，他将地理与历史完美融合，生动诠释地理如何塑造人类历史，并对当前世界地缘政治热行深解析，预测未来全球事件的演化。 通过考察各地方的气候、地势和所处地理位置，卡普兰回顾了世界历史上发生的热事件，并将他的研究所得用以分析各地的危机，如欧洲、俄罗斯、中国、印度、土耳其、伊朗和中东，全面地预测了欧亚大陆的下一次冲突周期。 而*为重要的是，卡普兰为我们展示了展示了应如何通过地图和人口学研究等工具，一步解读各国的外交政策，从而找到更深层和更强大的方式来看待世界。

剖析欧洲时局动荡根源 试论不可阻挡的政治危机及全球权利转移趋向 ? 乔治·弗里德曼曾经准确地预测了全球政治、科技、人口与文化领域的未来趋势。在本书中，他将关注放在过去500年里始终作为世界文明摇篮的欧洲。欧洲文明断层线已经存在了数百年，它也是两次世界大战及多场政治军事冲突爆发的根源。现代欧洲格局与欧盟的建立是为了缓和历史上曾导致欧洲分裂的地缘政治紧张局势。然而此时，文明断层线已被唤醒，欧洲正在酝酿与20世纪初同样危险的“燃”。 本书生动再现了欧洲的历史，清晰地描绘了欧洲*动荡的地区：将西方与俄罗斯分隔来的混乱而瞬息万变的区域（包括乌克兰、白俄罗斯和立陶宛在内的广阔区域）；法国和德国之间的古老疆界；诞生了犹太教和基督教，后来又成为伊斯兰教中心活动区域的地中海地区。 通过对历史与文化的大量分析，凭借宽广的地缘战略视野以及深刻缜密的思考，弗里德曼审视了欧洲正在酝酿的地缘政治导火索：好战的俄罗斯、内乱的中东以及欧盟内部交困的政治、经济局势，三场危机的根源差异巨大，随着形势不断恶化，它们始彼此助燃，似乎都将导致欧洲政治版图的一步破裂。弗里德曼大胆预言：在不远的将来，战争的导火索将再次引爆，欧洲一体化计划将以失败告终。

全景呈现未来100年世界地缘格局演变 精准掌控21世纪人类命运的发展主线 ? ? ★美国还将统治世界100年的底气何在？麦金德的“心脏地带”理论如何影响了美苏冷战？马汉的“海权论”对美国海洋霸权的形成产生了怎样的影响？ ★面对不断扩大的贫富差距、巨额政府负债、结构化转型的阵痛，中国如何才能跳出曾经的“日本陷阱”？ ★乌克兰危机对俄罗斯产生了怎样深远的影响？面对土耳其等国家的挑衅，普京手中的杀手锏——天然气管道阀门是否显得力不从心？ ? 弗里德曼以世界领导人的大棋局视野，结合其敏锐洞察力及有关历史及地理政治学的探讨，以地缘政治为切，拨层层迷雾，大胆提出包括人口、经济、政治等方面的分析与预测，对全球局势行精妙解析。 在书中，作者对美国还将统治世界100年信心十足，同时对未来美国面对的挑战行了巧妙推演。未来世界局势将如何演变？大国之间的冲突是否无法避免？中国的全面民族复兴将从何处寻找突破口？美国将在21世纪后半叶迎来黄金时期？本书呈现了透明的全球发展演路线，帮助读者精准掌控21世纪世界发展脉搏。

The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work. I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified both the former and the latter. Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse me. The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. A. De T.

Tko od ove knjige o?ekuje milost, ne?e je dobiti. Mirko Kova? svojim tekstom ulazi u "materiju" kao ?to se skalpelom prodire u gnojno tkivo, a "materija" je, uza sve svoje razli?ite manifestacije, uvijek ista: odnos umjetnosti i ideologije, bardova nacionalne kulture i nositelja politi?ke sile, knji?evnika i mo?nika, ili - u nemalome broju slu?ajeva - jednih te istih. Danas nema pisca koji bi, plemenskim zakonima usprkos, bio u stanju superiornije od Kova?a podrivati nacionalne mitove i raskrinkati kulturne pogone za proizvodnju zla. Blistavim stilom, nenadma?nom erudicijom i polemi?kom lucidno??u, on se bavi svojevrsnom razgradnjom spomeni?ke ba?tine. I ba? zbog toga ?to nema uzmaka, ?to sa svake stranice frcaju krhotine i izbijaju autenti?ni totalitarni mrakovi, Mirko Kova? sastavlja jedinstvenu posvetu ljudskom dostojanstvu i te?nji za slobodom, na na?in koji nema premca u suvremenoj europskoj knji?evnosti. Viktor Ivan?i?

Dbbenetes és elspr" Elton JohnA drogellenes háború dbbenetes trténetének els elbeszélése. Bátor nemzetkzi tudósítás, melyben az írót személyes érintettség vezérelte a kábítószerfüggség témájában.2015-ben már pontosan egy évszázada lesz, hogy az Egyesült llamok hadat üzent a kábítószernek. De nincs okunk gyzelmi táncot lejteni. A drogellenes háború centenáriumi évében Johann Hari újságíró a saját szemével látja, miként züllik el egyik kzeli rokona, valamint volt barátja is a kokain és a heroin miatt és talán maga is a drogfüggség felé sodródik. De milyen is valójában a drogellenes háború Mi Hari szerepe, és melyik trténetben A merész tudósító egy két éven át tartó, húszezer mérfldes útra indult ennek a harcnak a frontvonalán, hogy kiderítse, mit jelent a drogellenes háború világszerte, és hogyan léphetnénk túl rajta.A kábulat ára drámai, személyes trténetekre épül. Hari saját trténetére, és azokéra, akikkel kutatómunkája és interjúi során megismerkedik: egy transzszexuális brooklyni kokaindíler, aki tudni akarja, ki lte meg az anyját, és egy mexikói anya, aki éveken át kereste a sivatagban a lánya gyilkosát. Egy gyerek, akit a holokauszt idején egy budapesti gettóból csempésztek ki, és aki segített feltárni a függség tudományos magyarázatát. Uruguay elnke, aki éveket tlttt katonai brtnben, és aki legalizálta a marihuánát, hogy megpróbáljon gátat szabni az országában dúló erszaknak.A kábulat ára erteljes, lendületes és meggyz knyv, mely képet ad arról, mennyire pusztítóak a drogok is, és a kormányok drogellenes erfeszítései is. Egy emberibb jvt mer álmodni.Johann Hari írt tbbek kztt a New York Times, az LA Times, a Guardian, a Le Monde, a Slate, a New Republic és a Nation lapokban. Kilenc éven át volt az Independent rovatvezetje, és kétszer nyerte el az Amnesty International UK Az év újságírója címét. Az Editorial Intelligence- tl Az év kulturális kommentátora, a Stonewall-tól pedig Az év meleg újságírója díjat is megkapta. A kábulat ára az els knyve.

"...az els? magyar regény, amely g?rbe tük?rben, de megért? szeretettel mutatja be a mai társadalom társkeres? igyekezetét." (Tímár Péter, filmrendez?) "Nem érdemes letenni!" (Schell Judit, színészn?)Hogyan fogjunk pasit negyven f?l?tt? Ahogy ennek a k?nyvnek a f?szerepl?i, talán te is úgy próbálod megtalálni az igazit újra és újra. Eltér? jellemek, eltér? sorsok. Egyben azonban megegyeznek: mindannyian várják még a ?nagy szerelmet”, mik?zben megmosolyogtatóan csetlenek-botlanak a párkeresés labirintusában. Nem akarják elhinni, hogy a mesebeli királyfi nem létezik, ezért kicsit pironkodva bár, de fejest ugranak az internetes társkeresés mélyvizébe, és tucatnyi ?bénázást” k?vet?en rátalálnak a boldogságukra. Vagy mégsem? Netán azt is megbánják, hogy belekezdtek? Létezik-e boldog párkapcsolat, ha már elmúltál negyven? Békésy Erika nem próbál elmélyült társadalomrajzot adni, mégis felvillant helyzeteket a mai magyar valóságból. Szatirikus hangvétel, perg? ritmus, komikus helyzetek, groteszkbe hajló figurák, és humor, humor, humor. Ezek jellemzik a felh?tlen szórakozást nyújtó regényt.

Ця книга — про економ?ку як просту науку, яку здатен збагнути кожен. Автор — корейський економ?ст Ха-Юн Чан? — показу? нам ?закритий? св?т економ?ки, що прихову?ться в?д загалу за купою чисел, заплутаних формул та незрозум?лих терм?н?в. У книз? стверджу?ться: знатися на економ?ц? може ? повинен кожен.??Серед усього ?ншого автор розм?ркову? над причинами св?тово? кризи 2008 року, над тим, чи справд? люди б?дн?, бо л?нив?, а ус? багат? — працьовит?, а також чи може кра?на досягти економ?чних усп?х?в, перестрибнувши через етап ?ндустр?ал?зац??. ? все це — доступною, подекуди жарт?вливою, мовою.??

Кому буде належати св?т наприк?нц? XXI стол?ття? Чи мав рац?ю Карл Маркс, об?цяючи неминучу загибель кап?тал?зму? Як сусп?льство ? держава повинн? реагувати на зростаючу пр?рву м?ж багатими ? б?дними???На ц? та ?нш? питання французький економ?ст Тома П?кетт? да? вичерпн? в?дпов?д? у ц?й книз?. Автор жодним чином не претенду? на беззаперечн?сть сво?х ?дей. На приклад? ?вропи ? США в?н розгляда? концепц?? розвитку кап?талу в?д ХV??? стол?ття й до сьогодн?, ус? сво? ?де? п?дкр?плю? ретельно розробленими таблицями, елементарними та ус?м зрозум?лими формулами, нав?ть прикладами з класичного та сучасного мистецтва.??Книга П?кетт? розширю? ? поглиблю? наш? знання про такий складний орган?зм, як кап?тал, що по-сво?му росте, розвива?ться, пережива? кризи та депрес??, в?дновлю?ться ? набува? нових форм.??

Desenvolvimento regional: um problema político vem a público em época oportuna, na medida em que contribui para a discuss?o da política econ?mica brasileira, notadamente a orientada para o desenvolvimento regional. Trata, pela primeira vez, em conjunto, dos dois mais importantes experimentos de desenvolvimento regional realizados no Ocidente: o da Cassa per il Mezzogiorno e o da SUDENE. Analisa-se aqui o processo de esvaziamento político e institucional a que foram submetidas a “Cassa” e a SUDENE, destacando-se suas causas e consequências para a economia dessas regi?es. Apresenta as perspectivas de renova??o da SUDENE, dependentes de decis?es eminentemente políticas, incluindo também o exame do atual Sistema Brasileiro de Planejamento.

A obten??o de resultados consistentes,sustentáveis e legítimos do ponto de vista social tem sido preocupa??o crescente no ?mbito do debate sobre políticas públicas. A obra trata do processo de avalia??o de políticas urbanas, enfocando sua formula??o, formaliza??o e implementa??o, bem como as inst?ncias sociais e os instrumentos para acompanhamento e controle dos resultados.

When, in 1831, Alexis de Tocqueville came to study Democracy in America, the trial of nearly a half-century of the working of our system had been made, and it had been proved, by many crucial tests, to be a government of "liberty regulated by law," with such results in the development of strength, in population, wealth, and military and commercial power, as no age had ever witnessed. De Tocqueville had a special inquiry to prosecute, in his visit to America, in which his generous and faithful soul and the powers of his great intellect were engaged in the patriotic effort to secure to the people of France the blessings that Democracy in America had ordained and established throughout nearly the entire Western Hemisphere. He had read the story of the French Revolution, much of which had been recently written in the blood of men and women of great distinction who were his progenitors; and had witnessed the agitations and terrors of the Restoration and of the Second Republic, fruitful in crime and sacrifice, and barren of any good to mankind. He had just witnessed the spread of republican government through all the vast continental possessions of Spain in America, and the loss of her great colonies. He had seen that these revolutions were accomplished almost without the shedding of blood, and he was filled with anxiety to learn the causes that had placed republican government, in France, in such contrast with Democracy in America. De Tocqueville was scarcely thirty years old when he began his studies of Democracy in America. It was a bold effort for one who had no special training in government, or in the study of political economy, but he had the example of Lafayette in establishing the military foundation of these liberties, and of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Hamilton, all of whom were young men, in building upon the Independence of the United States that wisest and best plan of general government that was ever devised for a free people.

O livro analisa como o imigrante foi institucionalizado como amea?a existencial à Uni?o Europeia, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. Além de legisla??o e medidas securitárias, como controle de fronteiras e vistos, o livro se debru?a sobre discursos políticos que identificam a imigra??o como um problema de seguran?a, com campanhas de partidos extremistas e casos de racismos contra mul?umanos e indivíduos de origem romana na UE. Mostra como esse processo se vincula à resistência do Estado Na??o como lugar de identidade política e condi??o de cidadania.

Este livro resulta desse processo e conta com a participa??o de docentes e discentes que integram o Grupo de Estudos, Pesquisas e Assessoria em Políticas Sociais (GEAPS) e o Núcleo de Estudos, Pesquisas e Práticas Sociais (NUPEPS). Apresenta discuss?es de grande import?ncia para o Servi?o Social, na medida em que se prop?em refletir sobre Seguridade Social no Brasil, trazendo discuss?es mais amplas como: o financiamento e a mercantilizar?o das políticas sociais; a trajetória histórica do controle social, especialmente no ?mbito da saúde; e a gest?o do trabalho no Sistema ?nico de Saúde (SUS) no contexto da reestrutura??o produtiva.Encontramos também nesta colet?nea textos que apresentam resultados de investiga??o que tiveram por objetivo analisar de forma mais específica a realidade do município de Campina Grande (PB), no que se refere à implanta??o da Estratégia Saúde da Família, a partir da avalia??o de profissionais da área; às concep??es de aconselhamento de DST/Aids a gestantes por parte dos profissionais das Unidades Básicas de Saúde da Família; e às Organiza??es da Sociedade Civil de atendimento às pessoas com deficiência.

Mykola Riabchuk, a renowned Ukrainian public intellectual and political analyst, has been closely following and commenting on political developments in Ukraine since the early years of its independence. His best essays, collected within this book, focus primarily on the years of the presidency of Victor Yanukovych which were marked by a state capture, democratic recession and creeping authoritarian consolidation. An astute analysis of political processes combined with a sound essayistic narrative make the book essential reading for political scientists, students, and all those interested in the region.

THIS BOOK, First published anonymously, March 1880, and soon in various unauthorized editions. It wasn't until the 1925 edition that Adams was listed as author. Henry Adams remarked (ironically as usual), "The wholesale piracy of Democracy was the single real triumph of my life."—it was very popular, as readers tried to guess who the author was and who the characters really were. ON the first of December, Mrs. Lee took the train for Washington, and before five o'clock that evening she was entering her newly hired house on Lafayette Square. She shrugged her shoulders with a mingled expression of contempt and grief at the curious barbarism of the curtains and the wall-papers, and her next two days were occupied with a life-and-death struggle to get the mastery over her surroundings. In this awful contest the interior of the doomed house suffered as though a demon were in it; not a chair, not a mirror, not a carpet, was left untouched, and in the midst of the worst confusion the new mistress sat, calm as the statue of Andrew Jackson in the square under her eyes, and issued her orders with as much decision as that hero had ever shown. Towards the close of the second day, victory crowned her forehead. A new era, a nobler conception of duty and existence, had dawned upon that benighted and heathen residence. The wealth of Syria and Persia was poured out upon the melancholy Wilton carpets; embroidered comets and woven gold from Japan and Teheran depended from and covered over every sad stuff-curtain; a strange medley of sketches, paintings, fans, embroideries, and porcelain was hung, nailed, pinned, or stuck against the wall; finally the domestic altarpiece, the mystical Corot landscape, was hoisted to its place over the parlour fire, and then all was over. The setting sun streamed softly in at the windows, and peace reigned in that redeemed house and in the heart of its mistress. "I think it will do now, Sybil," said she, surveying the scene.

第三卷收集的是1930-1949年间中国政党理论的文献资料。以编者查阅的国内报刊篇章、专题文集、个人文集（全集选集等）看，其中涉及政党论说的篇章不下1500余篇。较之*卷、第二卷所包含的内容更多、所显示的特征更为复杂，不过，限于篇幅，本卷只能选其中的1/6予以编辑。此一时期，以欧美政党政治为圭臬，试图应用于中国的声音相对微弱，但不绝如缕；受了“列宁主义政党”理论并应用于实际行动的中共政党学说经历直采用失败，民族化、中国化、时代化之后迅速成效，影响至巨；处于执政地位的国民党局限于自身的革命阶段论和仿联共（布）而又无法在组织上成型、行动中成效的过程中力量逐渐消蚀。在这一过程中，中国政党理论的特殊性于知识界的品评中“无心插柳”般地显现出来，同时知识界这一时期的政党观也在“有意栽花”中展示了出来。