Euthyphro (Ancient Greek: Euthuphron) is one of Plato's early dialogues, dated to after 399 BC. Taking place during the weeks leading up to Socrates' trial, the dialogue features Socrates and Euthyphro, a religious expert also mentioned at Cratylus 396a and 396d, attempting to define piety or holiness. Background The dialogue is set near the king-archon's court, where the two men encounter each other. They are both there for preliminary hearings before possible trials (2a).Euthyphro has come to lay manslaughter charges against his father, as his father had allowed one of his workers to die exposed to the elements without proper care and attention (3e–4d). This worker had killed a slave belonging to the family estate on the island of Naxos; while Euthyphro's father waited to hear from the expounders of religious law (exegetes cf. Laws 759d) about how to proceed, the worker died bound and gagged in a ditch. Socrates expresses his astonishment at the confidence of a man able to take his own father to court on such a serious charge, even when Athenian Law allows only relatives of the deceased to sue for murder. Euthyphro misses the astonishment, and merely confirms his overconfidence in his own judgment of religious/ethical matters. In an example of "Socratic irony," Socrates states that Euthyphro obviously has a clear understanding of what is pious and impious. Since Socrates himself is facing a charge of impiety, he expresses the hope to learn from Euthyphro, all the better to defend himself in his own trial. Euthyphro claims that what lies behind the charge brought against Socrates by Meletus and the other accusers is Socrates' claim that he is subjected to a daimon or divine sign which warns him of various courses of action (3b). Even more suspicious from the viewpoint of many Athenians, Socrates expresses skeptical views on the main stories about the Greek gods, which the two men briefly discuss before plunging into the main argument. Socrates expresses reservations about such accounts which show up the gods' cruelty and inconsistency. He mentions the castration of the early sky god, Uranus, by his son Cronus, saying he finds such stories very difficult to accept (6a–6c). Euthyphro, after claiming to be able to tell even more amazing such stories, spends little time or effort defending the conventional view of the gods. Instead, he is led straight to the real task at hand, as Socrates forces him to confront his ignorance, ever pressing him for a definition of 'piety'. Yet, with every definition Euthyphro proposes, Socrates very quickly finds a fatal flaw (6d ff.). At the end of the dialogue, Euthyphro is forced to admit that each definition has been a failure, but rather than correct it, he makes the excuse that it is time for him to go, and Socrates ends the dialogue with a classic example of Socratic irony: since Euthyphro has been unable to come up with a definition that will stand on its own two feet, Euthyphro has failed to teach Socrates anything at all about piety, and so he has received no aid for his own defense at his own trial (15c ff.).

Such is the system which underlies the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius. Some knowledge of it is necessary to the right understanding of the book, but for us the chief interest lies elsewhere. We do not come to Marcus Aurelius for a treatise on Stoicism. He is no head of a school to lay down a body of doctrine for students; he does not even contemplate that others should read what he writes. His philosophy is not an eager intellectual inquiry, but more what we should call religious feeling. The uncompromising stiffness of Zeno or Chrysippus is softened and transformed by passing through a nature reverent and tolerant, gentle and free from guile; the grim resignation which made life possible to the Stoic sage becomes in him almost a mood of aspiration. His book records the innermost thoughts of his heart, set down to ease it, with such moral maxims and reflections as may help him to bear the burden of duty and the countless annoyances of a busy life. It is instructive to compare the Meditations with another famous book, the Imitation of Christ. There is the same ideal of self-control in both. It should be a man's task, says the Imitation, 'to overcome himself, and every day to be stronger than himself.' 'In withstanding of the passions standeth very peace of heart.' 'Let us set the axe to the root, that we being purged of our passions may have a peaceable mind.' To this end there must be continual self-examination. 'If thou may not continually gather thyself together, namely sometimes do it, at least once a day, the morning or the evening. In the morning purpose, in the evening discuss the manner, what thou hast been this day, in word, work, and thought.' But while the Roman's temper is a modest self-reliance, the Christian aims at a more passive mood, humbleness and meekness, and reliance on the presence and personal friendship of God. The Roman scrutinises his faults with severity, but without the self-contempt which makes the Christian 'vile in his own sight.' The Christian, like the Roman, bids 'study to withdraw thine heart from the love of things visible'; but it is not the busy life of duty he has in mind so much as the contempt of all worldly things, and the 'cutting away of all lower delectations.' Both rate men's praise or blame at their real worthlessness; 'Let not thy peace,' says the Christian, 'be in the mouths of men.' But it is to God's censure the Christian appeals, the Roman to his own soul. The petty annoyances of injustice or unkindness are looked on by each with the same magnanimity. 'Why doth a little thing said or done against thee make thee sorry? It is no new thing; it is not the first, nor shall it be the last, if thou live long. At best suffer patiently, if thou canst not suffer joyously.' The Christian should sorrow more for other men's malice than for our own wrongs; but the Roman is inclined to wash his hands of the offender. 'Study to be patient in suffering and bearing other men's defaults and all manner infirmities,' says the Christian; but the Roman would never have thought to add, 'If all men were perfect, what had we then to suffer of other men for God?' The virtue of suffering in itself is an idea which does not meet us in the Meditations. Both alike realise that man is one of a great community. 'No man is sufficient to himself,' says the Christian; 'we must bear together, help together, comfort together.' But while he sees a chief importance in zeal, in exalted emotion that is, and avoidance of lukewarmness, the Roman thought mainly of the duty to be done as well as might be, and less of the feeling which should go with the doing of it. To the saint as to the emperor, the world is a poor thing at best. 'Verily it is a misery to live upon the earth,' says the Christian; few and evil are the days of man's life, which passeth away suddenly as a shadow. ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?*** ? "MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS" was born on April 26, A.D. 121. His real name was M. Annius Verus, and he was sprung of a noble family which claimed descent from Numa, second King of Rome. Thus the most religious of emperors came of the blood of the most pious of early kings. His father, Annius Verus, had held high office in Rome, and his grandfather, of the same name, had been thrice Consul. Both his parents died young, but Marcus held them in loving remembrance. On his father's death Marcus was adopted by his grandfather, the consular Annius Verus, and there was deep love between these two. On the very first page of his book Marcus gratefully declares how of his grandfather he had learned to be gentle and meek, and to refrain from all anger and passion. The Emperor Hadrian divined the fine character of the lad, whom he used to call not Verus but Verissimus, more Truthful than his own name. He advanced Marcus to equestrian rank when six years of age, and at the age of eight made him a member of the ancient Salian priesthood. The boy's aunt, A

《西方政治哲学史》（*卷）由八位杰出学者撰写，内容涵盖了从古希腊到宗教改革的政治思想和政治哲学。*章提供了西方政治思想端处的宏大背景，讨论了希腊城邦与民主思想，以及诗人、剧作家、智者和史学家的政治洞见；第二章到第六章分别聚焦于柏拉图的统一城邦、亚里士多德的*政体、西塞罗的法权国家、奥古斯丁的上帝之城与尘世之城、阿奎那的自然法与政体理论；第七章既从宏观上考察了文艺复兴时期政治思想的巨大变革，又特别讨论了马基雅维利在其中的突出地位；第八章以路德和加尔文的政治思想为主体，同时考察了宗教改革时代的神学—政治问题。全书既关注政治思想的历史语境，又凸显重要思想家的特殊贡献，体现了汉语学界在西方政治哲学史领域的*研究成果。

该著作在深研究的基础上，就列宁关于俄国革命的战略策略思想、巩固苏维埃政权的思想、建设共产国际以及推国际共产主义运动的思想、关于新经济政策的思想，阐述了新的学术观；深地研究、阐述和评价了斯大林的建设社会主义理论以及“社会主义民族”理论；研究和阐述了20世纪20—50年代初苏联理论界对马克思主义理论的研究以及取得的成果，如布哈林关于“过渡经济”的理论、普列奥布拉任斯基的“新经济学”、瓦尔加关于“资本主义经济危机”的理论以及沃兹涅辛斯基对确立社会主义政治经济学的贡献；研究和阐述了联共（布）和一些国家共产党在领导反法西斯战争中形成的思想理论，研究和阐述了联共（布）和其他一些执政的共产党在领导恢复国民经济的实践中实现的理论发展。

　　《从孔子到谢灵运：唐前士人精神史探索/陕西师范大学中国语言文学“世界**学科建设”成果》为作者关于唐前士人精神史探索的文章的合集，共分三部分：一、论先秦圣贤、诗哲的理思与痛苦；二、论汉兴百年儒士、赋家的经国品质；三、论晋宋名士的飘逸与痛苦。作者深掘孔子、屈原、贾谊、陶渊明、谢灵运等人的精神历程，探讨中国人世代相续的民族精神。

本书为中央民族大学教授、“孔子文化奖”获得者牟钟鉴先生根据四十多年来学习中华经典积累的经验，结合古代贤哲的论述及今日道德教育建设的现实和需要，详细阐述君子人格养成路径，系统提出“君子六有”说，有仁义，立人之基；有涵养，美人之性；有操守，挺人之脊；有容量，扩人之胸；有坦诚，存人之真；有担当，尽人之责。作者用较多篇幅细讲古今中外的君子在六个方面的人格特质，列举生动的案例，解说蕴藏的内涵，使君子人格培养在现实土壤上具有落地生长的可能性，用真人真事推动道德教化，从不同侧面提炼中华精神，重塑君子人格榜样，推动人文化成，培养时代真君子。

本书是一部逐段考释《精神现象学》的评注性著作，是作者多年潜心研究黑格尔哲学与德国古典哲学，吸收国内外学者《精神现象学》研究的前沿成果，并经过多轮课堂教学、同行讨论的锤炼后写作而成的。本书不满足于对国内外某家某派观的单纯介绍，而是基于自身的判断，对这些观有取有舍，并重新界定辩证法、规律、理性、精神等关键概念，对黑格尔与现代性的关系、德国古典哲学的特质与思想史地位等问题提出作者独立的见解，堪与西方学者行对话。因此，本书对于推我国黑格尔研究和德国古典哲学研究大有裨益。

《简单的哲学》从论证的工具到评价的工具，教你如何运用哲学行有效又健全的思考……它用凝炼概括的术语，辅以生动有趣的插画，结合生活中富有趣味性的辩论话题，为你一一解析论证推理的秘诀，可谓哲学门工具书的不二选择！ 在《简单的哲学》和《好用的哲学》里，我们将高深莫测的哲学知识简单化，把触不可及的哲学工具变得好用，不管你是刚刚拜在哲学门下的菜鸟，还是哲学大师的骨灰级粉丝，都会让你爱不释手！

范仲淹主持的庆历新政，是以整饬吏治为首要，以改革科举、兴办学校、砥砺士风、培养人才为本源，兼及经济和军事等领域。虽然其整饬吏治仅及一年就夭折了，但其改革科举、兴办学校、砥砺士风、培养人才则对以后宋学的发展产生了深远的影响。 范仲淹门下多延贤士，如胡瑗、孙复、石介、李觏等皆与之从游。庆历之际，学统四起。三苏的蜀学、王安石的新学、周敦颐的濂学、张载的关学和二程的洛学等，都与范仲淹及庆历新政有着密切的关系。宋儒的“内圣”与“外王”是相贯通的。南宋理学时代，与其称为“后王安石时代”，不如称为“后范仲淹时代”。

本书的主要内容在于矫正后人对荀子天论和性论之误解。荀子言天道，分本体与现象两部分。本体不见其事而见其功，皆知其所以成而莫知其无形，这属于天职的部分。现象即能生之本体所产生的自然现象，有其运行的规律，所谓“天行有常”，故人若应之以治则吉，应之以乱则凶，这属于人职的部分。荀子讲明于天人之分，其目的即强调人伪比天性更重要。荀子论性，认为人既有好利疾恶之性，亦有好义欲善之性。但好利疾恶不等于恶，人一味放纵好利疾恶之性，以至争夺生而辞让亡、残贼生而忠信亡，才是恶。同理，好义欲善不等于善，只有学至全尽、知类明统、深思熟虑，实际上建构出礼仪法度来，才是善。荀子批评孟子的性善说是“幽隐而无说，闭约而无解”，是因为孟子不重视后天人为之伪。因此荀子言性，只是本始材朴，无所谓善恶。故与其说荀子是性恶论者，不如说是善伪论者。

本书是国内*本从哲学文本学的视角出发，系统解读法国精神分析学与思想大师拉康哲学思想的学术专著。作者以拉康著名的《文选》（Écrits）中蕞重要的文本为基本解读对象，深解析了拉康哲学复杂的学术背景，并以他独有的颠覆式的历时性关联，分别说明了拉康与超现实主义、新黑格尔主义和语言学结构主义等学术思潮之间潜在的承袭关系，尤其是他对弗洛伊德精神分析学的深刻背叛与激情高扬。在作者笔下，拉康哲学中的伪个人主体理论被曝光于西方现代思想史广阔的逻辑平台上：在镜像映射中，人类个人自我的本质不过是小他者影像构成的想象性操作而已；在象征性逻辑中，传统哲学的主体被指证为大写他者的无意识自居，个人主体因而沦为一具腹内空空的语言稻草人；所以，个人存在之真永远都只能是一种现实中的不可能性。

本书集中了维特根斯坦从1930年重回剑桥从事哲学工作到1946年这段时间的主要思想精华，包含了他所处理的大部分哲学话题。 《哲学研究》主要是从语言角度手处理哲学问题的，这些杂驳的哲学问题包括：词语和命题的意义是什么？什么是理解和意谓？逻辑和语言的关系是什么？数学到底有没有基础？人的意识状态该如何得到表达？是否存在一种私人语言？意向性的本质是什么？…… 维特根斯坦以一种崭新的方式为这些古老的哲学问题给出了自己的解答，其紧张的思想分析和逼问创了一种名为“日常语言分析”的哲学派别。

本书集中了维特根斯坦从1930年重回剑桥从事哲学工作到1946年这段时间的主要思想精华，包含了他所处理的大部分哲学话题。 《哲学研究》主要是从语言角度手处理哲学问题的，这些杂驳的哲学问题包括：词语和命题的意义是什么？什么是理解和意谓？逻辑和语言的关系是什么？数学到底有没有基础？人的意识状态该如何得到表达？是否存在一种私人语言？意向性的本质是什么？…… 维特根斯坦以一种崭新的方式为这些古老的哲学问题给出了自己的解答，其紧张的思想分析和逼问创了一种名为“日常语言分析”的哲学派别。

维特根斯坦的《哲学研究》是一本晦涩然而又十分重要的哲学著作，它集中了维特根斯坦长期哲学思考的成果，也是他细心编辑、编排过的一本书。 为了方便广大读者阅读和理解《哲学研究》，本书力图逐句逐段地解释该书中的难，厘清段与段之间的逻辑关系，给出维特根斯坦的运思过程，帮助读者弄清楚主题之间的过渡。同时，本书还力图帮助读者区分“维特根斯坦自己”和“对话者”，呈现二者的对话过程，并对维特根斯坦的前后期哲学作出述评。

本书简要辑录了儒学四书原著中论述为人处世的基本道德和伦理的主要内容，并用白话直译。为了原汁原味地保留儒学原著的本意，也为了节约篇幅，本书不注释，不分析，不评，完全由读者自己阅读和领会原著的原意，并身体力行。本书简明扼要，便于携带，可置案头、床头，茶余饭后，随时随地可以检阅。

《尼采传》以时间为线围绕尼采和亲友们的大量往来信件以及亲友们对尼采的回忆行整理，对尼采自出生到去世的整个生命过程行了细致而又精准的描述。本书所依据的大多为*手资料，具有相当高的可信度，是一本较为权威的尼采传记，向我们展现出了一个听从内心召唤的真正思想者特立独行的一生。

立学、立言之著 ?立德、立身之典《传习录》是王阳明的问答语录和论学书信集，是一部儒家简明而有代表性的哲学著作。包含了王阳明的主要哲学思想，是研究王阳明思想及心学发展的重要资料。《传习录》不但全面阐述了王阳明的思想，同时还体现了他辩证的授课方法，以及生动活泼、善于用譬、常带机锋的语言艺术。因此该书一经问世，便受到了士人的推崇。

《论语》以语录体记述了孔子及其弟子的言行，是中国儒家文化的本源，被儒家学派尊奉为圭臬。自西汉以来，《论语》所表述的孔子学说，被迅速传播，其影响遍及政治、经济、思想、文化、教育、伦理道德等各个领域，成为中国传统文化的一大标志。是我国古代儒家经典著作之一，是首创语录之体。南宋时，朱熹将它与《孟子》《大学》《中庸》合称为“四书”。

《菜根谭》文字简练，对仗工整，博大精深，耐人寻味，通俗易懂，雅俗共赏；寥寥几句道出人生玄机，只言片语指明生存之道。它告诫读书人“道乃公正无私，学当随事警惕”；它提醒为官者“为官公廉。居家恕俭”。人生在世，“心善而子孙盛，根固而枝叶荣”，“清浊并包，善恶兼容”，“超然天地之外，不名利之中”，因为“人生一傀儡”，只有如此，才能“自控便超然”。

立德修身的恒言警句为学立业的至理名言《小窗幽记》为陈眉公所著的修身处世格言，条条都是人生的回味和处世的领悟，体现了儒家修身、齐家、治国、平天下的积极人生态度，又兼容了佛家超凡脱俗和道家清静无为的智慧，历来被称为修身养性、提升自我修养的佳作。

智慧中的智慧 ?预测学中的行为学《周易》是群经之首，是经典中之经典，哲学中之哲学，谋略中之谋略。从《周易》中，哲学家看到辩证思维，史学家看到历史兴衰，政治家看到治世方略，军事家可参悟兵法，企业家亦可从中找到经营的方法，同样，芸芸众生也可将其视为为人处世、提高修养的不二法宝。 本书将《周易》的六十四卦分别予以详细解读，每卦独立自成一体，各节皆有原文、译文、启示，每卦之后附有中外著名事例，以期抛砖引玉之效。 《周易》一书作为中国早熟的思想文化体系，它在中国传统思想文化中的重要地位，已为世所公认。《周易》被称为六经之首，就是一种证明。